For Honor We Stand (Man of War Book 2)

by H. Paul Honsinger

  “Our government is a monarchy. We have a Parliament, but as we are engaging in frank speech among gentlemen, I will not pretend that it plays a meaningful part in the governance of the Kingdom. True power rests in the hands of the king, and to a significantly lesser extent, the six emirs. Unlike most monarchies, we have six royal families, not one, each of which is descended from one of the six dynasties that ruled one of the leading Arab states at the time of our founding. The throne rotates from dynasty to dynasty in a prescribed order, such that when one king dies, whether after a day or a century, the next family places its chosen member, usually its emir, on the throne—except of course that no one may take office through assassination.

  “In 2280, King Majali of the House of Qudah died at the ripe old age of 108, and the kingship fell next on the House of Jaafar. As this part of the galaxy was then stable and at peace, Jaafar sought to conciliate the other families and build harmony among the ruling houses by naming Rafi to hold the throne. Rafi’s deserved reputation is that of an amiable man loved by all and, foremost, with an astonishing ability to inspire loyalty and good feeling, build bridges and alliances, and unify people of differing backgrounds and interests.

  The Kingdom genuinely rejoiced at his coronation because everyone knew he was a genius at bringing people together, even though he did not have much of a reputation for strength of will or discerning intellect. This choice proved, however, to be a less than perfect one, as the Krag attacked the Union the following year.

  Within minutes of the attack and before we learned of it, the Krag approached Rafi through a so-called neutral envoy belonging to a still unidentified species. He conveyed the Krag message that their putative war objective of the extinction of mankind was merely bellicose language for the internal consumption of a fairly small but highly vocal and influential religious minority. He assured Rafi that their true war aim was merely to break the Union’s military and humble its leadership, at which point they would extract some sort of territorial concessions and other pro-forma tribute, and then return to their space, leaving Rashid and the other independent human powers alone. Rafi believed them, and we have remained neutral.

  “Two things have happened to change that, the first of which you are aware of. The Krag dishonored our people by tricking us into a series of ‘straw man’ sales, in which we sold them war matériel through intermediaries—war matériel that the Krag then used to kill other Muslims, not to mention other Peoples of the Book, and many others who are our brothers and sisters on no basis other than that our ancestors and their ancestors lived together on Earth, breathed the same air, were watered by the same rains, and lived under the same skies.

  As this fact has gradually become known, many of those with influence in the Kingdom have come to believe that the Krag cannot be trusted and that, once they defeat the Union’s Navy, they will turn their attention to the other ‘infesting vermin’ as they call us, destroy the forces of all the independent powers, and then erase the human race from the galaxy.”

  “And the second thing that has changed your situation?” The doctor asked the question before Max could open his mouth to say the same thing.

  “Rafi is dead. We have been withholding the announcement for the past several days so that we could conclude this meeting first, but it will become generally known tomorrow. Rule of the Kingdom next falls to the House of Saud. In light of the perilous state of affairs in the galaxy, the Elders of the House have decided not to place our elderly and ailing emir on the throne. The next King will be Admiral Khalil.”

  Max nodded in recognition. “You’ve heard of him?” asked the doctor.

  “Yes. Used to be a battleship captain. A good one. He commanded the Abha at the Battle of Napoli Prime in that scratch Union/Rashid/Romanova task force that got put together when the Najin invaded from the Perseus arm two years ago—the only battle in which Rashidian and Union forces ever fought side by side. That was the impetus for the Equilateral exercises a while later. Khalil commanded the Abha and the five Rashidian ships in that engagement. I suppose that made him a commodore, although I don’t recall anyone making an issue of it.

  “There were also four Romanovan and eight Union ships there, one of which was my ship, the Emeka Moro. I was her weapons officer, so I had my eye on the tactical plot almost the whole time. Khalil was better than Admiral Windham, who was the Union commander, or Commodore Polyphonus, who led the Romanovans’. Khalil’s tactics were innovative, daring, and unpredictable. Vessel deployment, use of weapons and sensors, management of kinetic energy—all brilliant. What I saw says he’s courageous, intelligent, perceptive…and crafty. Looks like you’ve got yourself a good king. I’d take my ship into battle at his side in a heartbeat.” He chuckled. “And here’s a coincidence. You look a bit like him.”

  “That’s no coincidence, Captain. Khalil is my brother.” He smiled modestly. “My birth name is Khalid al-Saud. I am eleven years older than the king, but we are a warrior people who, particularly in these times, require a warrior king, and I am no warrior, at least not in the sense of leading men into battle. I do, however, have a certain facility and a great deal of experience with matters of intelligence and diplomacy. I am to head both of those ministries. Alas, I shall have to leave management of the shop to my daughter and Giles.

  “So, enough polishing the blade. Time to attend to the edge. My brother, quite wisely in my view, has no faith in the Krag and believes that their goal is to eradicate humans from the galaxy. The king made that belief known when he last met with the six emirs—that is, the heads of each of the royal houses—five days ago. Bassam, the Emir of the House of Habib, voiced his disagreement at the time. Our operatives inside his palace inform us that he is in communication with the Krag and, more than that, is in league with them. The Krag have promised, according to our agents, to put him on the throne and install his House as the permanent ruling house of the Kingdom in exchange for keeping Rashid out of the war. Our desire was to meet with Union representatives in secret because we thought an avowed meeting would alert the Krag and allow them to attack us preemptively even before we came to any agreement.” He looked at the doctor expectantly.

  “First,” Sahin responded, “I need to know how I am to address you. Prince? Minister? Your Excellency?”

  “ ‘Minister,’ will suffice, as I am meeting with you in the capacity of foreign minister.”

  “Very well, then, Minister. Based on what you have told me, I must tell you that the official position of my government is that what you have described to me is a purely internal power struggle. Out of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Rashidian Kingdom, and the statement in the Union Constitution that self-determination is a fundamental right of all sentient beings, it would not be appropriate for us to take any action relative to that dispute at this time.”

  Max shifted visibly in his seat in displeasure. One didn’t have to know Max well to see that he thought highly of the Rashidians as warriors and wanted them in the war on the Union’s side. Sahin stilled him with a quick kick under the table. Sahin wouldn’t presume to tell Max how to deploy his weapons in combat. This, on the other hand, was the doctor’s field of battle, and he knew what to pull out of the arsenal and when.

  The minister responded amiably. “Perhaps I have not made myself clear. We are not asking the Union’s assistance in putting down the emir. We are quite capable of doing that. Quite capable. In fact, I expect the emir to be put down in the most emphatic and permanent manner within the next few minutes. Rather, the king wishes to explore the possibility of the Kingdom going to war against the Krag.”

  “Ah. That is rather a different situation.” The doctor acted as though the minister’s statement constituted a revelation rather than a declaration of the glaringly obvious. “My government’s position is that the Union would welcome any news that the Kingdom was entering the war against the Krag. I’m certain that your highly capable
general staff can find suitable military objectives for your forces. But as I said, the Union’s strict adherence to principles of self-determination for all peoples dictates that we allow your government to do what it wishes in its own way, without our interference.”

  Diplomacy. It was a dance as formal and precise as any Tchaikovsky ballet or Lenzi kineto-somatic poem. Each man knew the steps and took them with precision and skill, staying in time with the music that they both knew by heart. But time was short. The conductor increased the tempo.

  The minister picked up his coffee cup, sipped, again did his best to conceal his disapproval, and set it back down. “Ambassador, the position of my government is that, were Rashid to enter the war on the side of the Union, it would be to the advantage of both powers to coordinate our activities to maximize the effect of our actions and to prevent one party’s forces from interfering with the operations of another.”

  “So, you are proposing an alliance, then?”

  “My government believes that the term ‘alliance’ connotes a more extensive level of integration of forces and unification of command than we would wish. We are also concerned that, in the past, alliances have been the prelude to annexation. We are adamant that our independence be preserved in all its aspects and attributes.”

  “You may be assured, minister, that the Union has never ‘annexed’ any independently governed system. The objectively documented historical record amply documents this fact. Every member joined voluntarily.”

  “Although that statement may be true, ambassador, in a formal sense, that same objectively documented historical record amply documents that some of these systems ‘volunteered’ to join after being hemmed in by Union systems on all sides and having their trade strangled by tolls, tariffs, navigation restrictions, and customs rules, none of which the Union applies to its members or was applying to other similarly situated non-Union trading partners at the time.”

  Touché. “Minister, as we have both read the same diplomatic histories, it would be disingenuous of me to deny that the Union may have employed certain rather punitive economic measures calculated to add to its membership and territory early in its existence. It was then, as you recall, picking up the pieces from the disastrous governance imposed by the Earth Confederation. Current conditions, however, are fundamentally different.

  “Now that we are at war, with all the demands thus placed on our economy, manpower, resources, shipping, and manufacturing capacity, the Union desires no members who do not desire us. In accordance with strict enactments of our legislative bodies, and the announced policy of our president, we simply do not employ those kinds of strong-arm tactics on other humans any more.” What, never? Hardly ever. Briefly, the question and response from H.M.S. Pinafore popped into the doctor’s head.

  “In any event, annexation is a practical impossibility, at least under the present circumstances. Our forces are put to full use defending our space and our worlds from the Krag. We do not have resources to spare for the intimidation, much less the conquest, of any other power, particularly one as well and skillfully defended as the Kingdom.

  “Nevertheless, in recognition of the legitimacy of the Kingdom’s concerns, the Union is prepared to do the following. First, we offer a looser mode of cooperation than an alliance. I would suggest that the Kingdom consider joining the war effort as an associated power, much as have the Pfelung, a race known for their prudence, highly developed ethics, and staunch independence.

  “Second, the Union is prepared to give whatever reasonable formal guarantees the Kingdom may require to respect its independence and territorial integrity. In that regard, I would note that the Union has, from the very day of its establishment, strictly respected the Kingdom’s independence, its sovereignty, and its borders. We have been proving our good faith to the Kingdom for decades in the most convincing manner possible, by our actions.”

  “That is, indeed, true” the Minister acknowledged. “We have never had any complaints about the Union as a neighbor. I believe that such an arrangement might be acceptable to my government, subject to negotiation of the precise terms of the formal guarantees of our independence, and provided certain other appropriate provisions were made.”

  “Such as?”

  “We would require that our forces operate with complete independence and that participation in any given operation be voluntary.”

  Sahin turned to Max, who understood that it was his place to articulate the Union’s position on purely military issues. He did his best to sound diplomatic.

  “That’s insane,” he said without a trace of rancor. “Complete independence has never been the basis of any joint operations since the first human space forces were formed in 2034. In combat, it would be a disaster. Any time your forces and our forces happen to be involved in the same battle, there would be no overall commander. Maybe the two commanders manage to cooperate and work out a joint plan, in which case only a little bit of time will be wasted while they do that.

  “Or maybe they won’t, in which case the two forces operate at cross purposes, don’t provide coordinated fire support, aren’t on the same communications frequencies, transmit sensor beams that interfere with one another, and get in the way of each other’s battle maneuvers. Who knows, they might even get hit by each other’s missiles.

  “Mister Krag, who is not stupid by any means, figures that out, uses the lack of coordination to his advantage, and cleans the clocks of both forces. I can tell you as a warship captain and a former tactical officer that unified command, at least at some level, is an absolute military necessity.”

  “I accede to the captain’s bluntly stated but obviously valid observation.” The minister gazed longingly at his coffee cup, as though wishing it had coffee in it that he liked, considered taking a sip, and then decided against it.

  “My government is not averse to the notion of coordinated commands on certain levels under some circumstances, but is concerned about placing large units on a consistent basis under the authority of Union commanders. We do not wish our divisions and squadrons broken up and, for example, used piecemeal as replacements, thereby losing their cohesion and identity as Rashidian units.”

  Max nodded, recognizing the validity of the concern. “But at what level? Fleets, task forces, operational groups—they’re all assembled from certain building blocks. The sticking point is the size of the blocks. Will your forces always operate together at the task force level, or can the task forces be broken down into operational groups that will be used to help assemble joint task forces, or maybe even divisions that can be put together into joint operational groups? And you can’t just decide at the beginning that everything will be integrated at a given level, because operational demands are going to require different levels of integration. We can’t do it under those rules.”

  “Minister, Captain, if I may?”

  They both looked at the doctor, both convinced that a man who confused cruisers and corvettes because their names both start with a “C” could have nothing to contribute to this particular aspect of the discussion. The obvious annoyance displayed by Max and the minister at being interrupted didn’t stop the acting ambassador. It didn’t even slow him down.

  “I do not have in-depth knowledge of this business of ‘task groups’ and ‘operational divisions’ ”—Max grimaced at the nomenclature errors—“but it seems to me that these issues have already been worked out in detail and even approved at the highest level by both governments. That agreement can be adopted by reference, and this issue would be resolved.” The minister and the captain looked at him blankly.

  “Equilateral, the set of command, communications, and control protocols worked out between our two governments and the Romanovans for a set of joint military exercises not too long ago. I was looking over your shoulder, Captain, when you called up the communications protocols from that exercise in response to the order from that fighter escor
t. You paged through an index that showed a detailed list of arrangements to determine what units would be integrated at what level, who would command them, when a unit could refuse to participate in an operation, and a whole plethora of similar matters. It was all there in the exercise documentation. I remember it most distinctly.”

  “There is a lot to be said for this approach, Mr. Ambassador, and my government has indeed thought of it,” the minister said after a few moments’ reflection. “You may not be aware, however, that there are several ways in which Equilateral is an imperfect fit for the current situation. Captain Robichaux could probably set them forth more accurately than I.” He looked expectantly at Max.

  Max nodded. “Okay. I can see several differences. First, Equilateral assumes three players: the Union, Rashid, and Romanova. What we’ve got now is the Union, Rashid, and Pfelung. Second, that exercise was a joint task force operation. What we’re doing is much bigger. We’ll be coordinating forces at the theater level, maybe higher. Third, both we and the Rashidians have changed our order of battle since then. We’ve shifted the building blocks around into a different force structure. Fourth, since that time we’ve put the Talon missile through two upgrades, which will require changes in joint targeting parameters; and fifth, we’re in the process of adopting a new fighter, the FS-104 Wildcat, with substantially improved operating characteristics over the FS-101 Banshee it replaces, which will mean some new fighter tactics. So, there are going to be a lot of questions about joint operations and joint command that Equilateral isn’t going to cover.”

  “So, there are going to be situations that, until more precise and detailed rules are worked out, will not be covered by the preexisting framework, is that correct?” the minister asked evenly. “We will not be able to tell in advance how they will be resolved, and we will essentially have to rely on the commanders in the field to come to an accommodation and make the correct decision.”