The Longest Day

by Cornelius Ryan

  BY CORNELIUS RYAN

  A BRIDGE TOO FAR - 1974

  THE LAST BATTLE - 1966

  THE LONGEST DAY - 1959

  SIMON & SCHUSTER PAPERBACKS

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  Copyright © 1959 by Cornelius Ryan

  Copyright renewed © 1987 by Kathryn Morgan Ryan, Victoria Ryan Bida and Geoffrey J. M. Ryan

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  30 29 28 27

  Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 59009499

  ISBN-13: 978-0-671-89155-8

  eISBN-13: 978-1-439-12646-2

  ISBN-10: 0-671-89155-3

  ISBN-13: 978-0-671-89091-9 (Pbk)

  ISBN-10: 0-671-89091-3 (Pbk)

  Lines from the song “I Double Dare You” copyright MCMXXXVII by Shapiro, Bernstein & Co., Inc., New York. By permission of the publisher.

  Portions of this book appeared originally in Reader’s Digest.

  FOR ALL THE MEN OF D DAY

  Contents

  Foreword: D Day, Tuesday, June 6, 1944

  PART ONE

  THE WAIT

  PART TWO

  THE NIGHT

  PART THREE

  THE DAY

  A Note on Casualties

  D-Day Veterans: What They Do Today

  Acknowledgments

  Bibliography

  Index

  “Believe me, Lang, the first twenty-four hours of the invasion will be decisive … the fate of Germany depends on the outcome … for the Allies, as well as Germany, it will be the longest day.”

  —Field Marshal Erwin Rommel to his aide, April 22, 1944

  Foreword: D Day, Tuesday, June 6, 1944

  OPERATION OVERLORD, the Allied invasion of Europe, began at precisely fifteen minutes after midnight on June 6, 1944—in the first hour of a day that would be forever known as D Day. At that moment a few specially chosen men of the American 101st and 82nd airborne divisions stepped out of their planes into the moonlit night over Normandy. Five minutes later and fifty miles away a small group of men from the British 6th Airborne Division plunged out of their planes. These were the pathfinders, the men who were to light the dropping zones for the paratroopers and glider-borne infantry that were soon to follow.

  The Allied airborne armies clearly marked the extreme limits of the Normandy battlefield. Between them and along the French coastline lay five invasion beaches: Utah, Omaha, Gold, Juno and Sword. Through the predawn hours as paratroopers fought in the dark hedgerows of Normandy, the greatest armada the world had ever known began to assemble off those beaches—almost five thousand ships carrying more than two hundred thousand soldiers, sailors and coastguardmen. Beginning at 6:30 A.M. and preceded by a massive naval and air bombardment, a few thousand of these men waded ashore in the first wave of the invasion.

  What follows is not a military history. It is the story of people: the men of the Allied forces, the enemy they fought and the civilians who were caught up in the bloody confusion of D Day—the day the battle began that ended Hitler’s insane gamble to dominate the world.

  PART ONE

  THE WAIT

  1

  THE VILLAGE WAS silent in the damp June morning. Its name was La Roche-Guyon and it had sat undisturbed for nearly twelve centuries in a great lazy loop of the Seine roughly midway between Paris and Normandy. For years it had been just a place that people passed through on their way to somewhere else. Its only distinction was its castle, the seat of the Dukes de La Rochefoucauld. It was this castle jutting out from the backdrop of hills behind the village that had brought an end to the peace of La Roche-Guyon.

  On this gray morning the castle loomed up over everything, its massive stones glistening with dampness. It was almost 6:00 A.M., but nothing stirred in the two great cobbled courtyards. Outside the gates the main road stretched broad and empty, and in the village the windows of the red-roofed houses were still shuttered. La Roche-Guyon was very quiet—so quiet that it appeared to be deserted. But the silence was deceptive. Behind the shuttered windows people waited for a bell to ring.

  At 6:00 A.M. the bell in the fifteenth-century Church of St. Samson next to the castle would sound the Angelus. In more peaceful days it had had a simple meaning—in La Roche-Guyon the villagers would cross themselves and pause for a moment of prayer. But now the Angelus meant much more than a moment of meditation. This morning when the bell rang it would mark the end of the night’s curfew and the beginning of the 1,451st day of German occupation.

  Everywhere in La Roche-Guyon there were sentries. Huddled in their camouflage capes, they stood inside both gates of the castle, at road blocks at each end of the village, in pillboxes built flush into the chalk outcroppings of the foothills and in the crumbling ruins of an old tower on the highest hill above the castle. From up there machine gunners could see everything that moved in this, the most occupied village in all of occupied France.

  Behind its pastoral front La Roche-Guyon was really a prison; for every one of the 543 villagers, in and around the area there were more than three German soldiers. One of these soldiers was Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, commander in chief of Army Group B, the most powerful force in the German west. His headquarters was in the castle of La Roche-Guyon.

  From here in this crucial fifth year of World War II, a tense, determined Rommel prepared to fight the most desperate battle of his career. Under his command more than a half a million men manned defenses along a tremendous length of coastline—stretching almost eight hundred miles, from the dikes of Holland to the Atlantic-washed shores of the Brittany peninsula. His main strength, the Fifteenth Army, was concentrated about the Pas-de-Calais, at the narrowest point of the Channel between France and England.

  Night after night, Allied bombers hit this area. Bomb-weary veterans of the Fifteenth Army bitterly joked that the place for a rest cure was in the zone of the Seventh Army in Normandy. Hardly a bomb had fallen there.

  For months, behind a fantastic jungle of beach obstacles and mine fields, Rommel’s troops had waited in their concrete coastal fortifications. But the blue-gray English Channel had remained empty of ships. Nothing had happened. From La Roche-Guyon, on this gloomy and peaceful Sunday morning, there was still no sign of the Allied invasion. It was June 4, 1944.

  2

  IN THE GROUND-FLOOR room he used as an office, Rommel was alone. He sat behind a massive Renaissance desk, working by the light of a single desk lamp. The room was large and high-ceilinged. Along one wall stretched a faded Gobelin tapestry. On another the haughty face of Duke François de La Rochefoucauld—a seventeenth-century writer of maxims and an ancestor of the present Duke—looked down out of a heavy gold frame. There were a few chairs casually placed on the highly polished parquet floor and thick draperies at the windows, but little else.

  In particular, there was nothing of Rommel in this room but himself. There were no photographs of his wife, Lucie-Maria, or his fifteen-year-old son, Manfred. There were no mementos of his great victories in the North African deserts in the early days of the war—not even the garish field marshal’s baton which Hitler had so exuberantly bestowed upon him in 1942. (Only once had Rommel carried the eighteen-inch, three-pound gold baton with its red velvet covering studded with g
old eagles and black swastikas: that was the day he got it.) There wasn’t even a map showing the dispositions of his troops. The legendary “Desert Fox” remained as elusive and shadowy as ever; he could have walked out of that room without leaving a trace.

  Although the fifty-one-year-old Rommel looked older than his years, he remained as tireless as ever. Nobody at Army Group B could remember a single night when he had slept longer than five hours. This morning, as usual, he had been up since before four. Now he too waited impatiently for six o’clock. At that time he would breakfast with his staff—and then depart for Germany.

  This would be Rommel’s first leave at home in months. He would go by car; Hitler had made it almost impossible for senior officers to fly by insisting that they use “threeengined aircraft … and always with a fighter escort.” Rommel disliked flying anyway; he would make the eight-hour journey home, to Herrlingen, Ulm, in his big black convertible Horch.

  He was looking forward to the trip, but the decision to go had not been an easy one to make. On Rommel’s shoulders lay the enormous responsibility of repulsing the Allied assault the moment it began. Hitler’s Third Reich was reeling from one disaster after another; day and night thousands of Allied bombers pounded Germany, Russia’s massive forces had driven into Poland, Allied troops were at the gates of Rome—everywhere the great armies of the Wehrmacht were being driven back and destroyed. Germany was still far from beaten, but the Allied invasion would be the decisive battle. Nothing less than the future of Germany was at stake, and no one knew it better than Rommel.

  Yet this morning Rommel was going home. For months he had hoped to spend a few days in Germany the first part of June. There were many reasons why he now believed he could leave, and although he would never have admitted it, he desperately needed rest. Just a few days earlier he had telephoned his superior, the aged Field Marshal Gerd Von Rundstedt, Commander in Chief West, requesting permission to make the trip; the request had been immediately granted. Next he had made a courtesy call to Von Rundstedt’s headquarters at St.-Germain-en-Laye outside of Paris, to take his leave formally. Both Von Rundstedt and his chief of staff, Major General Günther Blumentritt, had been shocked by Rommel’s haggard appearance. Blumentritt would always remember that Rommel looked “tired and tense … a man who needed to be home for a few days with his family.”

  Rommel was tense and edgy. From the very day he arrived in France toward the end of 1943, the problems of where and how to meet the Allied attack had imposed on him an almost intolerable burden. Like everybody else along the invasion front, he had been living through a nightmare of suspense. Hanging over him always was the need to outthink the Allies as to their probable intentions—how they would launch the attack, where they would attempt to land and, above all, when.

  Only one person really knew the strain that Rommel was under. To his wife, Lucie-Maria, he confided everything. In less than four months he had written her more than forty letters and in almost every other letter he had made a new prediction about the Allied assualt.

  On March 30 he wrote: “Now that March is nearing its end and without the Anglo-Americans having started their attack … I’m beginning to believe they have lost confidence in their cause.”

  On April 6: “Here the tension is growing from day to day … It will probably be only weeks that separate us from the decisive events …”

  On April 26: “In England morale is bad … there is one strike after another and the cries of ‘Down with Churchill and the Jews’ and for peace are getting louder … these are bad omens for such a risky offensive.”

  On April 27: “It appears now that the British and Americans are not going to be so accommodating as to come in the immediate future.”

  On May 6: “Still no signs of the British and Americans … Every day, every week … we get stronger. … I am looking forward to the battle with confidence … perhaps it will come on May 15, perhaps at the end of the month.”

  On May 15: “I can’t take many more big [inspection] trips … because one never knows when the invasion will begin. I believe only a few more weeks remain until things begin here in the west.”

  On May 19: “I hope I can get ahead with my plans faster than before … [but] I am wondering if I can spare a few days in June to get away from here. Right now there isn’t a chance.”

  But there was chance after all. One of the reasons for Rommel’s decision to leave at this time was his own estimate of the Allies’ intentions. Before him now on the desk was Army Group B’s weekly report. This meticulously compiled evaluation was due to be sent by noon of the following day to Field Marshal von Rundstedt’s headquarters, or, as it was generally known in military jargon, OB West (Oberbefehlshaber West). From there, after further embroidery, it would become part of the over-all theater report and then it would be forwarded to Hitler’s headquarters, OKW (Oberkommando der Wehrmacht*).

  Rommel’s estimate read in part that the Allies had reached a “high degree of readiness” and that there was an “increased volume of messages going to the French resistance.” But, it went on, “according to past experience this is not indicative that an invasion is imminent …”

  This time Rommel had guessed wrong.

  *Armed Forces High Command.

  3

  IN THE OFFICE of the chief of staff, down the corridor from the field marshall’s study, Captain Hellmuth Lang, Rommel’s thirty-six-year-old aide, picked up the morning report. It was always his first chore for the commander in chief. Rommel liked to get the report early so that he could discuss it with his staff at breakfast. But there was nothing much in it this morning; the invasion front remained quiet except for the continuing nightly bombing of the Pas-de-Calais. There seemed no doubt about it: Besides all the other indications, this marathon bombing pointed to the Pas-de-Calais as the place the Allies had chosen for their attack. If they were going to invade at all it would be there. Nearly everybody seemed to think so.

  Lang looked at his watch; it was a few minutes of 6:00 A.M. They would leave at seven sharp and they should make good time. There was no escort, just two cars, Rommel’s and one belonging to Colonel Hans George Von Tempelhof, Army Group B’s operations officer, who was going along with them. As usual, the various military commanders in the areas through which they would pass had not been informed of the field marshal’s plans. Rommel liked it that way; he hated to be delayed by the fuss and protocol of heel-clicking commanders and motorcycle escorts awaiting him at the entrance to each city. So with a bit of luck they should reach Ulm about three.

  There was the usual problem: what to take along for the field marshal’s lunch. Rommel did not smoke, rarely drank and cared so little for food that he sometimes forgot to eat. Often, when going over the arrangements for a long journey with Lang, Rommel would run a pencil through the proposed luncheon and write in big black letters “Simple field kitchen meal.” Sometimes he would confuse Lang even more by saying, “Of course, if you want to throw in a chop or two that won’t bother me.” The attentive Lang never quite knew what to order from the kitchen. This morning, besides a vacuum jug of consommé, he had ordered an assortment of sandwiches. His guess was that Rommel, as usual, would forget about lunch anyway.

  Lang left the office and walked down the oak-paneled corridor. From the rooms on either side of him came the hum of conversation and the clacking of typewriters; Army Group B headquarters was an extremely busy place now. Lang had often wondered how the Duke and the Duchess, who occupied the floors above, could possibly sleep through all the noise.

  At the end of the corridor Lang stopped before a massive door. He knocked gently, turned the handle and walked in. Rommel did not look up. He was so engrossed in the papers before him that he seemed quite unaware that his aide had entered the room, but Lang knew better than to interrupt. He stood waiting.

  Rommel glanced up from his desk. “Good morning, Lang,” he said.

  “Good morning, Field Marshal. The report.” Lang handed it over. Then he left th
e room and waited outside the door to escort Rommel down to breakfast. The field marshal seemed extremely busy this morning. Lang, who knew how impulsive and changeable Rommel could be, wondered if they were really leaving after all.

  Rommel had no intention of canceling the trip. Although no definite appointment had yet been made, he hoped to see Hitler. All field marshals had access to the Führer, and Rommel had telephoned his old friend, Major General Rudolf Schmundt, Hitler’s adjutant, requesting an appointment. Schmundt thought the meeting could be arranged sometime between the sixth and the ninth. It was typical of Rommel that nobody outside of his own staff knew that he intended to see Hitler. In the official diaries at Rundstedt’s headquarters, it was simply noted that Rommel was spending a few days’ leave at home.

  Rommel was quite confident that he could leave his headquarters at this time. Now that May had passed—and it had been a month of perfect weather for the Allied attack—he had reached the conclusion that the invasion would not come for several more weeks. He was so confident of this that he had even set a deadline for the completion of all anti-invasion obstacle programs. On his desk was an order to the Seventh and Fifteenth armies. “Every possible effort,” it read, “must be made to complete obstacles so as to make a low-tide landing possible only at extreme cost to the enemy … work must be pushed forward … completion is to be reported to my headquarters by June 20.”

  He now reasoned—as did Hitler and the German High Command—that the invasion would take place either simultaneously with the Red Army’s summer offensive, or shorty after. The Russian attack, they knew, could not begin until the late thaw in Poland, and therefore they did not think the offensive could be mounted until the latter part of June.