Washington's Engineer

by Norman Desmarais

  REINFORCEMENTS

  General Washington wrote to the Board of War on March 30, notifying them that he had received information that the enemy was preparing to send reinforcements to the South and that he was sending Major Lee’s corps there as quickly as possible. As they would need many items for the long march, he directed the officers to go to Philadelphia and apply to the Board of War. He requested a liberal supply, as the items could not be procured in the South.10

  Duportail was undoubtedly moved by these testimonials of his ability, character, and zeal, coming as they did from a man as reticent as General Washington. His reply of April 2, 1780, says,

  I have received the letter with which your Excellency has been good enough to honor me as also the one addressed to the President of Congress, I saw to it that it was immediately handed to him. This very evening I received a resolution of the Congress that I should go to Charlestown. Later I received by M. de Castaing the letter for General Lincoln. I cannot allow the opportunity to pass without expressing to Your Excellency how touched I am by the manner in which you have spoken of me in these letters. It is the greatest reward which I could possibly receive for my efforts in serving the United States. As nothing else could arouse me to efforts that would justify the good opinion your Excellency has wished to give of me, may I in this circumstance fulfill your expectations: and may it be possible for me to arrive before it is too late!

  Conformable to your orders I will render to your Excellency as often as possible an account of our operations.

  Although in the present circumstances I go South with pleasure, because I wish to be where I can be most useful, still I wish to express to your Excellency that in case Charlestown is taken or delivered from danger, in a word if the Carolinas do not become the principal scene of the war, I desire to return to this part of the country. My place, my veneration, my devotion to your person, binds me to the army which you command and it is only in such circumstances and the actual circumstances in which the Carolinas are placed that would permit me to leave you except with the greatest regret; and it is a very great pleasure for me to think that I can [manuscript faded] and open the campaign in that place.

  During my absence I have the honor to propose to your Excellency to have M. de Gouvion replace me in the army here; and as you know we have to form companies of sappers and miners I propose that he be charged with those companies. The Board of War has assured me that the men we need have been included in those required of the different states; therefore it will only be question of taking them as they arrive.

  I have sketched out a plan of instruction for the officers and soldiers of the company, but it is not in a state to be presentable. I shall have the honor of sending it to your Excellency from Carolina.

  Colonel Gouvion wrote me recently that General Howe who commands at West Point asked for a plan of the place. It seems to me very proper that he should have one but I think that when the plan is made [illegible] who commands at that place without its being possible for it to be taken away. It seems to me very improper that copies should be multiplied.

  I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect

  of Your Excellency etc.

  Duportail.11

  Duportail was appointed to lieutenant colonel in France, attached to the infantry, on April 5, 1780, and General Washington acted on Dupor-tail’s suggestion to replace him with Colonel Gouvion in the Army of the North on April 28. Gouvion was still in the Highlands, and Washington sent the following order to Major General Howe: “General Duportail being gone to the southward, it is necessary that Colonel Gouvion should repair to this army. If there are any previous arrangements you wish him to make, you will be pleased to direct him to make them, and to set out for head-quarters as speedily as he can.”12

  In the meantime, General Duportail had proceeded with all speed to Charleston, arriving at 7:00 a.m. on April 25, only a few days before the question of terms of surrender of the city was discussed in a general council of the officers present. As soon as he arrived, he observed the enemy, their positions, and their strength, then inspected the defenses. He concluded that the British could have captured Charleston ten days before he got there. Having determined the positions were untenable, he requested to depart the city, but General Lincoln refused to let him go.

  General Benjamin Lincoln surrendered the city on May 12, and General Duportail was among the captives. He wrote a lengthy account of the surrender on May 17, and one of his letters was read before Congress on the same day.13

  DUPORTAIL’S REPORT

  He sent the report to the president of Congress, with a copy forwarded to General Washington and another to the French minister, the Chevalier de la Luzerne. The following translation is from the Papers of the Continental Congress:

  You will probably have heard of the surrender of Charlestown by the time you will receive this letter. I arrived here the 25th of April at seven the morning, after having passed during the Night in the Midst of the Enemies, through the Woods with the assistance of good guides. I found the Town in a desperate State almost entirely invested by the British Army and Fleet which has passed the Bar and Fort Moultrie. They had surmounted difficulties which were generally looked upon as insuperable without experiencing scarce any resistence. The Enemy had brought their trenches upon the neck within about 120 or 130 yards from the Fortifications; in a word the fall of the Town was unavoidable unless an Army come to her assistance which then did not appear likely. After having examined the situation of things I thought an evacuation highly advisable and I proposed it—but the Council found an impracticability in the measure although for my part, it only appeared difficult and hazardous and such as we ought to risk in our present situation.

  That Plan being rejected the only object was to protract the term of our Capitulation. I have done on my part every thing that was in my power to fulfill that object in the same manner that Colonel Laumoy had before my arrival, but time brought us to lose sight of the term of our resistance. The Enemy succeeded in draining part of the Ditch was in front of our intrenchments and raised nine Batteries in their third Parallel. The day they opened them they sent a flag with a Letter to summon General Lincoln to Surrender. Upon this a Council of Generals and field officers was called and after having asked whether terms ought to be proposed to the Enemy and it was carried in the affirmative by great majority, myself was of that number. As the first propositions were from the Enemy we might expect advantageous Conditions, I have even some hope that we might have saved the Garrison; besides a positive refusal to treat with an Enemy who within a few days could have been in a condition of giving us the law appeared imprudent and unreasonable. It was then determined in Council that propositions should be made, but afterwards by an extraordinary oversight they left to the General officers the care of determining what was to be proposed. This is the moment where I left off taking any part in what has been done being of a contrary opinion to that of the other Genl. officers. They agreed to propose that the Continental Troops should be prisoners of war. I opposed that measure with all my might. I represented that if even our situation required it, it was not our business to propose it & that we showed an ignorance of what is practised in those cases which would make us appear in a ridicule light. I represented that if I had been of opinion with the greatest number to propose terms to the Enemy, I mean that they should be honorable terms, both advantageous to the Army and Continent; as for instance to surrender the Town alone with the artillery store and Ships; but to save the Troops; that if the army must be prisoners of war it was more eligible to hold out in order to justify such unfavorable Conditions by a longer resistance and more distressing situation. My representations had not the desired effect the propositions were made such as you will see them. Fortunately, such as they were the Enemy would not grant them and proposed others less advantageous which General Lincoln did not however think proper to accept. The Truce was broken and the operations of the Siege vigorously continued. But the secon
d day after the militia refused to do duty General Lincoln thought from this that the Capitulation was absolutely necessary and called the Council who countenanced the Measure. For my part I thought we ought to try before to bring the Militia to their duty by every possible means, by acts of authority, and if necessary by exemplary punishments; this was likely deemed impracticable; and the Capitulation took place to my great regret; not that I think we could have held out longer than three or four days, but that we should have put the Enemy in such a situation to render a further resistence on our part blamable to every body; then our defence would have done us much more honor. It is true that in that case the Conditions would not likely have been the same but I was for sacrificing that advantage to a little more glory. Fortunately in all this the honor of the American Arms is secure and the Enemy have not great subject to triumph. To remain forty two days in open trenches before a Town of an immense extent fortified by sandy intrenchments raised in two months without covered way, without our works, open in several places on the water side, exposed every where to attacks and defended by a Garrison which was not sufficient by half of what was necessary, before such a place I say and display all the appearance of a regular seige, is nothing very glorious.

  Perhaps the English General followed the rule of prudence in conducting himself so—but at best the troops that he commanded have assuredly no reason to boast of their ardor or enterprising spirit; while on the other hand the American troops gave certain proof of their firmness to support, for more than forty days, a terrible fire—and to remain so long exposed to the danger of surprises, or attacks de vive force, which were certain of success if the enemy took its measures carefully.

  M. de Laumoy and the engineers whom he has under his orders, have been so busy constructing the fortifications of Charlestown, both before and during the seige that there was no time to make a design of the plans—this deprives me of the satisfaction of sending them to Congress—supposing indeed the enemy would permit it.14

  General Duportail sent this note to the French minister the following day, enclosing a copy (in French) of the report given above:

  I intended to give your Excellency a detailed account of all that has happened since my arrival, but I have not had the time. I asked Genl. Clinton to permit me to go to Philadelphia on parole. He refused. He seems to conduct himself towards every one in a manner malhonnete et grossière. We shall lack every thing here, and I in particular, who, to arrive more quickly, left behind the few articles I possess not wanting to be burdened.

  If I have the courage to again expose myself to a refusal, I will ask to have my prison here changed to one in the north, Charlestown against New York. I am not yet fully decided. The voyage with the English and the sailors offers much discomfort. If I have the means of writing your Excellency I shall surely do so as often as possible. Not being able to give you a detailed account today of the principal events, I will send you a copy of the letter I wrote to the President of Congress.

  I have the honor to be etc.

  Thousand compliments to M. de Marbois.15

  PRISONER OF WAR

  Duportail found an opportunity to write letters on July 7, 1780. He sent two letters to the French legation in Philadelphia; one to the principal secretary, Marbois; and a longer description of his condition and surroundings to Luzerne. Translated parts of the two letters follow:

  To Monsieur de Marbois:

  You probably did not think, Monsieur, when you saw me hurrying to Charlestown that I was going to put myself in prison. Neither did I think so truly. I was very far from supposing that the American Commander would put himself in a position to allow himself to be taken with all his troops, the only resource of this whole region. How all this has been conducted. How many people have reproaches to hurl at Congress, at the state of Carolina, at Lincoln—I do not know who should consider themselves most to blame. As for myself I am persuaded that Charlestown could have been saved or if the enemy was absolutely determined to have it, at least they could have been made to evacuate New York which would have been some compensation. As it is, where will our losses end? It has been said at one time that General Gates is in North Carolina with ten thousand men; now they say it is only de Kalb with the Maryland division. May [la] grace éternelle inspire the Philadelphia senate with that spirit of vigor and resolution which will repair these losses and prevent others so the effect will be less considerable. . . .

  We live here in complete ignorance of what is going on in America as well as in Europe. I have only learned that the Spaniards have gone to sleep and allowed themselves to be surprised at Gibraltar. They have experienced a terrible reverse which indirectly affects us. . . .

  In the sad condition in which I find myself such things become the objects of my meditation and the indignation they give me prevents me from falling into lethargy.16

  To Monsieur de la Luzerne:

  M. de Plombard—former consul at Charlestown, will deliver the letter—he has done every thing possible to oblige me since I have been in captivity. Without him I would have been very much embarrassed to find some means of getting money—besides we needed it so as not to die from hunger. He performed the same service for M. de Laumoy who needed it all the more since he was taken down with small pox, which nevertheless he says he already has had but there are many examples to prove that it can be had twice—my brother, the one who had the honor of seeing you at Malesherbes—was one and certainly it is not difficult to believe.

  We await news from Congress—our hope very much is that there will be an exchange between us and Burgoyne’s army. For myself I fear very much because I doubt if there are many brigadier generals in that army. If I had been major-general I could have been exchanged for Major General Phillips commander of Charlestown—but it is hardly likely that Congress—all other means failing—would think of giving me that rank—the idea was given me by an American general. . . .

  At this moment, M. le Chevalier, you are doubtless living in one of the pleasant country houses near Philadelphia. You are enjoying the beautiful season of July—a moderate climate with pleasing prospects. I am sure you walk daily in cool woods—whereas I am here in a flat country where green stagnant pools exhale corruption—there is no water fit to drink—the soil is nothing but sand which burns the flat of the foot and blinds one when the wind blows. Although we are surrounded with woods we are not allowed to walk in them and they are of a kind of pine that gives no shade and interrupts the little air one might enjoy. Corn and potatoes are the only products of the country. . . . [O]ne sees a few negroes—covered with a few miserable rags . . . and wretched peasants only a little less dark than their negroes—who go about barefooted and without education or politeness. . . . At night, if one does not have two mosquito nets there is no hope of closing the eyes. Even so the noise they make keeps one awake—any way, no matter what is done they manage to enter in an infinite number of places and the body is covered with bites which oblige one perpetually to scratch with both hands. I have had to stop this letter twenty times for that reason. You will see Monsieur, how we pass our time here, and you may judge how much I wish to leave this place.17

  PRISONER EXCHANGE

  Before this letter could reach its destination, Congress had passed the following resolution on July 13, 1780:

  The abilities and experience of Brigadier General du Portail, in the line of his department as an engineer, appearing to Congress essential to the effectual promotion of the operations of the ensuing campaign;

  Resolved, that General Washington immediately endeavor to obtain the exchange of Brigadier General du Portail, now a prisoner on parole.18

  Washington, in consequence of this resolution of Congress, wrote to the commissary general of prisoners on July 24, 1780,

  In consequence of directions I have just received for the purpose you will propose to Mr. Loring to exchange any Brigadier General belonging to those in our hands for Brigadier Genl. du Portail who was taken at Charlestown, and if the prop
osition is agreed to, you will take immediate measures for releasing the officer given on our part and will give an order for releasing Genl. Portail for his safe conduct to Philadelphia or some part of Jersey, if Sir Henry Clinton will indulge him with a passage by water, or if not till he may arrive at such place in North Carolina, as he may mention.19

  He also wrote to the president of Congress on July 22, 1780, “I was honoured Yesterday with Your Excellency’s Letter of the 14th, and with it’s inclosure, directing me to endeavour to obtain the exchange of Brigadier General du Portail. A proposition to this effect will be made by the earliest opportunity; in compliance with the direction, but I do not think there is any prospect of it’s being acceded to.”20

  General Washington here alludes to officers taken prisoners at Saratoga in October 1777. Negotiations began at once. He wrote to Abraham Skinner on September 17, 1782, to specify the general rules for him to follow in negotiating the release of officers and mentioned that Congress specifically directed the release of General Duportail. He wrote a second letter more than three months later, on October 31, 1780: “It is my wish that you exchange the Gentleman of the Convention above mentioned—but I make it a condition to the exchange of the general officers that General Du Portail and the other characters particularly mentioned to you by Congress and the Board of War be included.”21