Shakespeare's Montaigne

by Michel de Montaigne

  Epicurus sayeth that a wise man can never pass from one state to its contrary. I have some opinion answering his sentence, that he who hath once been a very fool shall at no time prove very wise.

  God sends my cold answerable to my clothes and passions answering the means I have to endure them. Nature having discovered me on one side hath covered me on the other. Having disarmed me of strength, she hath armed me with insensibility and a regular or soft apprehension.

  I cannot long endure (and less could in my youth) to ride either in coach or litter, [13] or to go in a boat. Both in the city and country, I hate all manner of riding but a-horse-back. And can less endure a litter than a coach, and by the same reason, more easily a rough agitation upon the water, whence commonly proceedeth fear, than the soft stirring a man shall feel in calm weather. By the same easy gentle motion which the oars give, conveying the boat under us, I wot not how, I feel both my head intoxicated and my stomach distempered, as I cannot likewise abide a shaking stool under me. When as either the sail or the gliding course of the water doth equally carry us away, or that we are but towed, that gently gliding and even agitation doth no whit distemper or hurt me. It is an interrupted and broken motion that offends me, and more when it is languishing. I am not able to display [14] its form. Physicians have taught me to bind and gird myself with a napkin or swathe round about the lower part of my belly as a remedy for this accident; which as yet I have not tried, being accustomed to wrestle and withstand such defects as are in me and tame them by myself.

  Were my memory sufficiently informed of them, I would not think my time lost here to set down the infinite variety which histories present unto us of the use of coaches in the service of war, diverse according to the nations and different according to the ages: to my seeming of great effect and necessity. So that it is wondrously strange how we have lost all true knowledge of them. I will only allege this, that even lately in our father’s time, the Hungarians did very availefully [15] bring them into fashion and profitably set them a work against the Turks, every one of them containing a targeteer [16] and a musketeer with a certain number of harquebuses or calivers, [17] ready charged and so ranged that they might make good use of them, and all over covered with a pavesado [18] after the manner of a galliotte. [19] They made the front of their battle with three thousand such coaches, and after the cannon had played, caused them to discharge and shoot off this volley of small shot upon their enemies, before they should know or feel what the rest of the forces could do, which was no small advancement. Or if not this, they mainly drove those coaches amid the thickest of their enemies’ squadrons with purpose to break, disroute, [20] and make way through them. Besides the benefit and help they might make of them in any suspicious or dangerous place, to flank their troupes marching from place to place or in haste to encompass, to embarricado, [21] to cover, or fortify any lodgment or quarter.

  In my time a gentleman of quality in one of our frontiers, unwieldy and so burly of body that he could find no horse able to bear his weight and having a quarrel or deadly feud in hand, was wont to travel up and down in a coach made after this fashion and found much ease and good in it. But leave we these warlike coaches. As if their nullity were not sufficiently known by better tokens, the last kings of our first race [22] were wont to travel in chariots drawn by four oxen.

  Mark Antony was the first that caused himself, accompanied with a minstrel harlot, to be drawn by lions fitted to a coach. So did Heliogabalus after him, naming himself Cybele, the mother of the gods; and also by tigers, counterfeiting god Bacchus; who sometimes would also be drawn in a coach by two stags, and another time by four mastiff dogs, and by four naked wenches, causing himself to be drawn by them in pomp and state, he being all naked. The Emperour Firmus made his coach to be drawn by ostriches of exceeding greatness, so that he rather seemed to fly than to roll on wheels.

  The strangeness of these inventions doth bring this other thing unto my fantasy: that it is a kind of pusillanimity in monarchs, and a testimony that they do not sufficiently know what they are, when they labour to show their worth and endeavour to appear unto the world, by excessive and intolerable expenses. A thing which in a strange country might somewhat be excused, but among his native subjects, where he swayeth all in all, he draweth from his dignity the extremest degree of honour that he may possibly attain unto. As for a gentleman, in his own private house to apparel himself richly and curiously, I deem it a matter vain and superfluous; his house, his household, his train, and his kitchen do sufficiently answer for him.

  The counsel which Isocrates giveth to his king (in my conceit) seemeth to carry some reason: when he willeth him to be richly stored and stately adorned with movables and household-stuff, [23] forsomuch as it is an expense of continuance and which descendeth even to his posterity or heirs. And to avoid all magnificences which presently vanish both from custom and memory.

  I loved when I was a younger brother to set myself forth and be gay in clothes, though I wanted other necessaries, and it became me well. There are some on whose backs their rich robes weep, or as we say, their rich clothes are lined with heavy debts. We have diverse strange tales of our ancient kings’ frugality about their own persons and in their gifts—great and far-renowned kings both in credit, in valour, and in fortune. Demosthenes mainly combats the law of his city, who assigned their public money to be employed about the stately setting forth of their plays and feasts; he willeth that their magnificence should be seen in the quantity of tall ships well manned and appointed, and armies well furnished.

  And they have reason to accuse Theophrastus, who in his book of riches established a contrary opinion and upholdeth such a quality of expenses to be the true fruit of wealth and plenty. They are pleasures (sayeth Aristotle) that only touch the vulgar and basest communality, [24] which as soon as a man is satisfied with them vanish out of mind, and whereof no man of sound judgement or gravity can make any esteem. The employment of it, as more profitable, just, and durable would seem more royal, worthy, and commendable about ports, havens, fortifications, and walls; in sumptuous buildings, in churches, hospitals, colleges, mending of highways and streets, and such like monuments, in which things Pope Gregory the Thirteenth shall leave aye-lasting [25] and commendable memory unto his name, and wherein our Queen Catherine [26] should witness unto succeeding ages her natural liberality and exceeding bounty, if her means were answerable to her affection. Fortune hath much spited me to hinder the structure and break off the finishing of our new-bridge [27] in our great city and before my death to deprive me of all hope to see the great necessity of it set forward again.

  Moreover, it appeareth unto subjects, spectators of these triumphs, that they have a show made them of their own riches and that they are feasted at their proper charges. For the people do easily presume of their kings, as we do of our servants, that they should take care plenteously to provide us of whatsoever we stand in need of but that on their behalf they should no way lay hands on it. And therefore the Emperor Galba, sitting at supper, having taken pleasure to hear a musician play and sing before him, sent for his casket, [28] out of which be took a handful of crowns and put them into his hand with these words: Take this, not as a gift of the public money but of mine own private store. So is it, that it often cometh to pass that the common people have reason to grudge and that their eyes are fed with that which...should feed their belly.

  Liberality itself in a sovereign hand is not in her own luster; private men have more right and may challenge more interest in her. For taking the matter exactly as it is, a king hath nothing that is properly his own; he oweth even himself to others.

  Authority is not given in favour of the authorising but rather in favour of the authorised. A superiour is never created for his own profit but rather for the benefit of the inferiour, and a physician is instituted for the sick, not for himself. All magistracy, even as each art, rejecteth her end out of herself. [29] Nulla ars in se versatur. No art is all in itself. [30]

 
; Wherefore the governours [31] and overseers of princes’ childhood or minority who so earnestly endeavour to imprint this virtue of bounty and liberality in them and teach them not to refuse anything and esteem nothing so well employed, as what they shall give (an instruction which in my days I have seen in great credit) either they prefer and respect more their own profit than their masters, or else they understand not aright to whom they speak. It is too easy a matter to imprint liberality in him that hath wherewith plenteously to satisfy what be desireth at other men’s charges. And his estimation being directed not according to the measure of the present but according to the quality of his means that exerciseth the same, it cometh to prove vain in so puissant [32] hands. They are found to be prodigal before they be liberal. Therefore is it but of small commendation, in respect of other royal virtues, and the only [one] (as said the tyrant Dionysius) that agreed and squared well with tyranny itself. I would rather teach him the verse of the ancient labourer,

  Not whole sacks, but by the hand

  A man should sow his seed in the land. [33]

  That whosoever will reap any commodity by it must sow with his hand and not pour out of the sack; that corn must be discreetly scattered and not lavishly dispersed; and that being to give, or to say better, to pay and restore to such a multitude of people, according as they have deserved, he ought to be a loyal, faithful, and advised distributor thereof. If the liberality of a prince be without heedy [34] discretion and measure, I would rather have him covetous and sparing.

  Princely virtue seemeth to consist most in justice; and of all parts of justice, that doth best and most belong to kings which accompanieth liberality. For they have it particularly reserved to their charge, whereas all other justice they happily exercise the same by the intermission [35] of others. Immoderate bounty is a weak mean to acquire them good will; for it rejecteth more people than it obtaineth: Quo in plures usus sis, minus in multos uti possis. Quid autem est stultius, quam, quod libenter facias, curare ut id diutius facere non possis? The more you have used it to many, the less may you use it to many more. And what is more fond [36] than what you willingly would do, to provide you can no longer do it? [37] And if it be employed without respect of merit, it shameth him that receiveth the same and is received without grace. Some tyrants have been sacrificed to the people’s hatred by the very hands of those whom they had rashly preferred and wrongfully advanced; such kind of men meaning to assure the possession of goods unlawfully and indirectly gotten, if they show to hold in contempt and hatred him from whom they held them and, in that, combine themselves unto the vulgar judgement and common opinion.

  The subjects of a prince rashly excessive in his gifts become impudently excessive in begging; they adhere not unto reason but unto example. Verily, we have often just cause to blush for our impudency. We are overpaid according to justice, when the recompense equalleth our service: for do we not owe a kind of natural duty to our princes? If he bear our charge, he doth over much; it sufficeth if he assist it. The overplus [38] is called a benefit which cannot be exacted, for the very name of liberality implieth liberty. After our fashion, we have never done: what is received is no more reckoned of; only future liberality is loved. Wherefore the more a prince doth exhaust himself in giving, the more friends he impoverisheth. How should he satisfy intemperate desires which increase according as they are replenished? Who so hath his mind on taking, hath it no more on what he hath taken. Covetousness hath nothing so proper as to be ungrateful.

  The example of Cyrus shall not ill fit this place for the behoof [39] of our kings of these days as a touch-stone, to know whether their gifts be well or ill employed and make them perceive how much more happily that emperour did wound and oppress [40] them than they do. Whereby they are afterward forced to exact and borrow of their unknown subjects, and rather of such as they have wronged and aggrieved than of those they have enriched and done good unto; and receive no aids, where anything is gratitude except the name.

  Croesus upbraided him [41] with his lavish bounty and calculated what his treasure would amount unto if he were more sparing and close-handed. A desire surprised him [42] to justify his liberality, and dispatching letters over all parts of his dominions to such great men of his estate whom he had particularly advanced, entreated every one to assist him with as much money as they could for an urgent necessity of his and presently to send it him by declaration. When all these count-books or notes were brought him, each of his friends supposing that it sufficed not to offer him no more than they had received of his bounteous liberality but adding much of their own unto it, it was found that the said sum amounted unto much more than the niggardly sparing of Croesus. Whereupon Cyrus said, I am no less greedy of riches than other princes, but I am rather a better husband of them. You see with what small venter [43] I have purchased the unvaluable treasure of so many friends, and how much more faithful treasurers they are to me than mercenary men would be, without obligation and without affection; and my exchequer or treasury better placed than in paltry coffers, by which I draw upon me the hate, the envy, and the contempt of other princes.

  The ancient emperours were wont to draw some excuse for the superfluity of their sports and public show, for so much as their authority did in some sort depend (at least in appearance) from the will of the Roman people, which from all ages was accustomed to be flattered by such kinds of spectacles and excess. But they were particular ones who had bred this custom to gratify their con-citizens [44] and fellows, especially with their purse, by such profusion and magnificence. It was clean altered when the masters and chief rulers came once to imitate the same. Pecuniarum translatio a iustis dominis ad alienos non debet liberalis videri. The passing of money from right owners to strangers should seem liberality. [45]

  Philip, because his son endeavored by gifts to purchase the good will of the Macedonians, by a letter seemed to be displeased and chided him in this manner: What? Wouldst thou have thy subjects to account thee for their purse-bearer and not repute thee for their king? Wilt thou frequent and practice them? Then do it with the benefits of thy virtue, not with those of thy coffers. [46]

  Yet was it a goodly thing to cause a great quantity of great trees, all branchy and green, to be far brought and planted in plots [47] yielding nothing but dry gravel, representing a wild shady forest, divided in due seemly proportion. And the first day to put into the same a thousand ostriches, a thousand stags, a thousand wild boars, and a thousand bucks, yielding them over to be hunted and killed by the common people; the next morrow in the presence of all the assembly to cause a hundred great lions, a hundred leopards, and three hundred huge bears to be baited and tugged in pieces; [48] and for the third day, in bloody manner and good earnest, to make three hundred couple of gladiators or fencers to combat and murder one another, as did the Emperour Probus. [49]

  It was also a goodly show to see those wondrous huge amphitheaters all enchased [50] with rich marble, on the outside curiously wrought with carved statues and all the inner side glittering with precious and rare embellishments—

  Baltheus en gemmis, en illita porticus auro.

  A belt beset with gems behold,

  Behold a walk bedawb’d with gold. [51]

  —all the sides round about that great void, replenished and environed from the ground unto the very top with three or four score ranks of steps and seats, likewise all of marble covered with fair cushions—

  ——exeat, inquit,

  Si pudor est, et de pulvino surgat equestri,

  Cuius res legi non sufficit.

  If shame there be, let him be gone, he cries,

  And from his knightly cushion let him rise,

  Whose substance to the law doth not suffice. [52]

  —where might conveniently be placed a hundred thousand men and all sit at ease. And the plain ground-work of it, where sports were to be acted, [53] first by art to cause the same to open and chap [54] in sunder with gaps and cranishes [55] representing hollow caverns which vomited out the bea
sts appointed for the spectacle; that ended, immediately to overflow it all with a main deep sea, fraught with store of sea-monsters and other strange fishes, all over-laid with goodly tall ships, ready rigged and appointed to represent a sea-fight; and thirdly, suddenly to make it smooth and dry again for the combat of gladiators; and fourthly, being forthwith cleansed, to strew it over with vermillion and storax [56] instead of gravel, for the erecting of a solemn banket [57] for all that infinite number of people: the last act of one only [58] day.

  ——quoties nos descendentis arenæ

  Vidimus in partes, ruptaque voragine terræ

  Emersisse feras, et iisdem sæpe latebris

  Aurea cum croceo creverunt arbuta libro.

  Nec solum nobis silvestria cernere monstra

  Contigit, æquoreos ego cum certantibus ursis

  Spectavi vitulos, et equorum nomine dignum,

  Sed deforme pecus.

  How oft have we beheld wild beasts appear

  From broken gulfs of earth, upon some part

  Of sand that did not sink? how often there

  And thence did golden boughs oresaffron’d [59] start?

  Nor only saw we monsters of the wood,

  But I have seen sea-calves whom bears withstood

  And such a kind of beast as might be named

  A horse, [60] but in most foul proportion framed. [61]

  They have sometimes caused an high steepy mountain to arise in the midst of the said amphitheaters, all over-spread with fruitful and flourishing trees of all sorts, on the top whereof gushed out streams of water, as from out the source of a purling [62] spring. Other times they have produced therein a great tall ship floating up and down which of itself opened and split asunder, and after it had disgorged from out its bulk four or five hundred wild beasts to be baited, it closed and vanished away of itself, without any visible help. Sometimes from out the bottom of it, they caused streaks and purlings [63] of sweet water to spout up, bubbling to the highest top of the frame and gently watering, sprinkling, and refreshing that infinite multitude. To keep and cover themselves from the violence of the weather, they caused that huge compass to be all over-spread, sometimes with purple sails all curiously wrought with the needle, sometimes of silk and of some other colour, and in the twinkling of an eye, as they pleased, they displayed and spread, or drew and pulled them in again.