The Conscience of the Constitution: The Declaration of Independence and the Right to Liberty Hardcover

by Timothy Sandefur

  Copyright © 2014 by Cato Institute.

  All rights reserved.

  Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

  Sandefur, Timothy.

  The conscience of the Constitution: the Declaration of Independence and the

  right to liberty / Timothy Sandefur.

  pages cm

  Includes bibliographical references.

  ISBN 1-939709-03-2 (hardback : alk. paper)

  1. Civil rights--United States. 2. Due process of law--United States.

  3. Political questions and judicial power--United States. 4. Liberty--Philosophy. I. Title.

  KF4749.S26 2014

  342.7308’5--dc23

  2013032221

  Cover design by Jon Meyers.

  Printed in the United States of America.

  CATO INSTITUTE

  1000 Massachusetts Ave., N.W.

  Washington, D.C. 20001

  www.cato.org

  Dedication

  To Christina

  Contents

  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

  INTRODUCTION

  1. DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM

  2. THE CIVIL WAR AND THE INCOMPLETE RECONSTRUCTION

  3. IN DEFENSE OF SUBSTANTIVE DUE PROCESS

  4. THE CRITICS OF SUBSTANTIVE DUE PROCESS

  5. JUDICIAL “ACTIVISM” AND JUDICIAL ABDICATION

  6. CONCLUSION

  NOTES

  Acknowledgments

  My thanks to Roger Pilon, Deborah J. La Fetra, and Christina Sandefur, who offered many detailed and thought-provoking suggestions on the manuscript. Portions of these chapters are based on material that appeared in Cato Unbound; the Chapman Law Review; the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy; the Journal of Law & Politics; the New York University Journal of Law & Liberty; the Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, & Public Policy; and Reason Papers, and are used with permission. My thanks also to Samantha Dravis, Daniel A. Himebaugh, David B. Kopel, Trevor Burrus, Jason Kuznicki, Tibor R. Machan, R. S. Radford, and Ilya Shapiro. This book is partly the result of more than a decade of work with the Pacific Legal Foundation, for which I am immensely grateful. But the opinions expressed herein are not necessarily those of the foundation, its staff, supporters, or clients.

  Introduction

  American constitutional history has always hovered in the mutual resistance of two principles: the right of each individual to be free, and the power of the majority to make rules. The dynamic tension of these two ideas has generated some of our most persistent and complicated debates. Yet they are not just forces moving in opposite directions. Rightly understood, liberty and order are profoundly interrelated: without order, liberty is not actually liberty, but a chaos in which every person is vulnerable to being violated and controlled by others: “For who could be free,” asked John Locke, “when every other Man’s Humour might domineer over him?”1 On the other hand, order without liberty is not really order at all; it is a terrifying void in which the will of the ruler becomes the ultimate reality, and the citizen must stand constantly on guard for shifts in the ruler’s mood. When the relationship between liberty and order is perverted, the entire political system can be thrown out of sync, resulting in abuses of power that undermine the legitimacy of government itself. In 1864, Abraham Lincoln articulated this point with a typically well-chosen metaphor:

  We all declare for liberty; but in using the same word we do not all mean the same thing. With some the word liberty may mean for each man to do as he pleases with himself, and the product of his labor; while with others the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with other men, and the product of other men’s labor. Here are two, not only different, but incompatible things, called by the same name—liberty. . . . The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep’s throat, for which the sheep thanks the shepherd as a liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the same act as the destroyer of liberty. . . . Plainly the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of the word liberty.2

  Lincoln understood that while the power to make rules is important, it is not the most basic principle of our constitutional system. The wolf is wrong to imagine that he has a fundamental right to rule others, or that the sheep’s rights are simply whatever the wolf decides to allow. America’s constitutional order is premised on the opposite principle: on the basic right of each person to be free. People are born with liberty; their rights are not privileges that government gives to them as it pleases. Legitimate government is based on, and bound by, their rights, and nobody—no king, no legislature, no democratic majority—has any basic entitlement to control them. Freedom is the starting point of politics; government’s powers are secondary and derivative, and therefore limited.

  That principle—the primacy of liberty—was most eloquently expressed in the Declaration of Independence. That document, which created the United States as a political unit and defines the terms of its sovereignty, is the light by which we must guide our understanding of our political and legal institutions. More than a merely rhetorical statement, the Declaration sets the framework for reading our fundamental law. It is, in short, the conscience of the Constitution. Together, the Declaration and the Constitution hold that all people are naturally born free, and may use their freedom to create a political and legal order that respects and protects their rights. But because government can be perverted and endanger liberty, the people must take care to design it in such a way that it is both strong enough to secure their freedom, and limited so as not to threaten that freedom. Liberty is the goal at which democracy aims, not the other way around.

  Nevertheless, people often misconstrue the relationship between liberty and order, attempting to elevate “democratic” power above the individual rights it is supposed to protect, or to assert that the majority has some fundamental right to rule. The most obvious example of this perverse understanding of political order is slavery. Nineteenth-century defenders of slavery and states’ rights rejected the Declaration’s principles, and advocated instead what Lincoln called the wolf’s notion that political power is primary, and freedom only a secondary privilege conferred by society. “It is a great and dangerous error to suppose that all people are equally entitled to liberty,” wrote the champion of this “States’ Rights” school, John C. Calhoun. Freedom, he said, “is a reward to be earned, not a blessing to be gratuitously lavished on all alike—a reward reserved for the intelligent, the patriotic, the virtuous and deserving.”3

  The collision of this wolfish doctrine with the nation’s founding principles of equality and liberty put America on the path to civil war; the nation could not permanently endure while divided over such a basic matter. In the years leading up to that war, anti-slavery leaders who remained faithful to the Declaration’s principles developed a constitutional interpretation that would counter that argument and give real effect to the primacy of liberty. These men—including Congressman and former president John Quincy Adams, Senator Charles Sumner, Representative John Bingham, future chief justice Salmon P. Chase, and former slave Frederick Douglass—laid the groundwork for the great constitutional revolution that the war ushered in. When peace came, they sought to ensure that the primacy of liberty would be permanently enshrined in the nation’s fundamental law. They drafted the Fourteenth Amendment to rededicate the nation to the ideas of the Declaration.

  But new challenges soon arose—first with the Supreme Court’s shocking refusal to enforce one of the central guarantees of that amen
dment, and then, in the 20th century, when new political theories emerged that once again upended the relationship of liberty to order. Led by Progressive Era–thinkers such as Oliver Wendell Holmes, John Dewey, and Louis Brandeis, that effort was so successful that today the leaders of political and legal opinion generally hold that order comes before liberty, and that democratic rule is the basic premise of our institutions, with individual freedoms regarded essentially as privileges given to people by government. Today’s debates over the perceived danger of judicial activism, or over legal theories like substantive due process, often take for granted this modern wolf’s conception of the relationship of liberty to order.

  This book is an attempt to revive the conscience of the Constitution. Chapter 1 looks at the Declaration of Independence—source and charter of our nationhood, which established the centrality of liberty to our constitutional order—and at how Progressive intellectuals reversed its principles to prioritize democracy over liberty. The Declaration sets forth not just general aspirations but a logical argument about the relationship of government to the governed. And because it is part of our fundamental law, it gives us a guide for understanding and interpreting the Constitution. But today, intellectual leaders mainly reject its propositions about natural rights, arguing instead that rights are only privileged spaces of autonomy that the government gives to people whenever doing so serves government’s needs. This inversion warps our understanding of the Constitution and leads to absurd and dangerous consequences.

  Chapter 2 explores how the Fourteenth Amendment was meant to recommit the United States to the Declaration’s principles and how the Supreme Court’s decision in the 1873 Slaughter-House Cases hampered that effort. In Chapter 3, we look at substantive due process—the controversial legal doctrine that has played a leading role in protecting individual rights against state interference. Although condemned by both left and right, that theory is a legitimate—even crucial—element of our constitutional law, as a protection against government arbitrariness. Finally, Chapter 4 examines the ongoing debate about “judicial activism”—the charge that our democracy is being sabotaged by unelected judges who ought to be more deferential toward legislatures and less inclined to pronounce laws unconstitutional. In fact, a vigorous, independent judiciary is essential for a legal order that is dedicated, as ours is, to securing individual rights.

  In short, this book examines what Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Cardozo called our system of “ordered liberty.”4 That system saw the relationship between order and liberty in a particular way: liberty comes first, and order arises from it. We have gone astray in our constitutional understanding because we have upended that relationship. Lawyers, judges, law professors, political leaders, and commentators largely believe that the power of government, or of the democratic majority, is primary and that the freedom of the individual is only secondary. The growth of government power at the expense of individual rights—the abuse of eminent domain, the censorship of speech, the exploitation of entrepreneurs through licensing laws and similar regulations, intrusions on rights of personal privacy and freedom of choice—all have their origin in this basic reversal of priorities. To secure again the blessings of individual freedom, we must restore the primacy of liberty and heed once more the conscience of the Constitution.

  1. Democracy and Freedom

  When Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer was asked in a 2006 interview what he thought was the most important part of the United States Constitution, his answer was simple: “Democracy.”1 This surely struck many as unremarkable, even as clichéd. But it is curious when we recollect that the word democracy is nowhere to be found in either the Constitution or the Declaration of Independence.

  On the contrary, the Founders had different priorities. In the very first sentence of the Constitution, they pronounced unambiguously that liberty is a “blessing.” They did not say the same about democracy. The Constitution they wrote imposes manifold limits on the power of the majority, some quite severe: two separate houses must pass a bill; some bills must get a supermajority vote; the president can veto legislation; only certain subjects can be addressed by Congress. The Framers saw majority rule as a useful but dangerous device, to be employed sparingly in order to protect freedom.

  It is now commonplace to attribute the Founders’ skepticism toward democracy to their elite biases. Their motives, we are told, were corrupt and personal, or their political understanding was limited by the times and by their class parochialism; the Founders did not appreciate, as we moderns do, the self-evident legitimacy of democratic rule. But this is a myth, formulated in the early 20th century, when Progressives were in the process of radically transforming American institutions.2 Foremost among their aims was to reverse America’s constitutional priorities, making democracy primary and liberty secondary in American law. They were largely successful in that effort. In what can only be called a complete reversal of the Founders’ perspective, judges, lawyers, political scientists, politicians, and journalists today generally see democracy as the source of liberty, and hold that the most basic principle of our Constitution is not that each person deserves to be free, but that we all have a right, collectively, to govern each other. The “right to rule” now comes first—the freedom of the individual second. This is what Lincoln called the wolf’s understanding of liberty: that those with power—whether they be a democratic majority or a legislature or a regulatory agency—have a basic right to do as they please with other people and the product of their labor.

  For many on both left and right today, this is a basic assumption. Consider Cass Sunstein, a liberal law professor at the University of Chicago who served in a prominent regulatory post in the Obama administration. In many books and articles over the years, he has argued that individual rights are, at bottom, only privileges given to us by the government.3 Property rights and freedom of speech, he contends, are simply spaces of privacy that the state has chosen to carve out and protect. Political leaders could just as well decide tomorrow to implement some different system of rights and privileges, or to abolish or rearrange those rights and privileges. A newcomer might be surprised to discover that the same argument was endorsed by the conservative judge Robert Bork in his book The Tempting of America. Bork assailed “[t]he attempt to define individual liberties by abstract moral philosophy,” arguing that “our freedoms” (Bork always used the plural) “depend upon their acceptance by the American people.”4 And the majority is not bound by any principles when it decides whether to create such rights and privileges.5

  Bork’s and Sunstein’s view of the nature of individual rights—a view that is today called “positivism”—is the opposite of the classical liberalism of America’s Founders, who believed individual rights were primary and that government power was only secondary and derivative. To the Founding Fathers, individual freedom was the essential starting point for any proper understanding of government, which in their view was only deputized or hired by the people for the purpose of protecting that freedom. Government was therefore justified by the same principle by which it was limited: the consent of the governed gives government legitimacy, but the people’s power to consent is itself limited. Because people have no right to commit unjust acts, they may not ask government to commit unjust acts on their behalf, or excuse such violations by appealing to the people’s consent. “[T]he Sovereignty of the Society as vested in & exerciseable by the majority,” wrote James Madison, “may do any thing that could be rightfully done, by the unanimous concurrence of the members,” but “the reserved rights of individuals (of conscience for example), in becoming parties to the original compact” are “beyond the legitimate reach of Sovereignty.”6 In other words, people are born with rights, and then delegate certain powers to government—not the other way around. Because rulers—whether kings, presidents, legislatures, or voting majorities—derive their authority from the consent of people who are entitled to freedom, that authority is limited. Freedom is more basic than gove
rnment power, and it sets the terms that rulers must respect.

  This principle was well understood by the Founding Fathers. In 1768, Boston patriots, led by Samuel Adams, wrote that “the supreme Legislative derives its Power & Authority from the Constitution, [so] it cannot overleap the Bounds of it without destroying its own foundation. . . . [T]he Constitution ascertains & limits both Sovereignty and allegiance.”7 In the summer of 1776, the Virginia Declaration of Rights proclaimed that “all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity”; that all government powers are “derived from the people”; and that government officials are the people’s “trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.”8 Weeks later, the Continental Congress boiled this argument down to an elegant expression in the Declaration of Independence: all men are created equal, with certain inalienable rights, and governments are instituted to secure those rights. Liberty is the source of, the justification for, and the protection against political rule.

  Today, we are prone to read the Declaration as political rhetoric or a general pronouncement of aspirations. But it is more: it is a legal document—a part of the nation’s organic law and the inspiration for America’s Constitution. The Declaration helps make constitutional priorities clear—that rights come first and government power only second—and thus it anchors our legal and political system on a firm philosophical ground.

  Equality, Liberty, Consent

  The foundation begins with the Declaration’s premise that all men are created equal. This obviously does not mean that they enjoy equal endowments but rather that the starting point for political analysis is that no person is fundamentally entitled to rule another. Normal, mature adults are ultimately responsible for their own survival and flourishing: our actions typically depend on our own choices, which is why we are rightly praised or blamed for our voluntary decisions. Although others may at times assist us in achieving our goals, they can neither fully assume responsibility for our choices, nor experience the consequences, good or bad, as directly as we ourselves can. We cannot absolve ourselves of responsibility for our actions by becoming instruments of some other person. In everything we do, we retain at least some element of responsibility, even when acting on behalf of another, and many things are simply nondelegable. No other person can eat for us, or learn for us, or believe for us, for instance. Thus, we cannot entirely alienate either our capacity or our responsibility for free, independent choice. It is this quality of indefeasible personal responsibility—of rule over ourselves—that the Declaration refers to when it speaks of all people being created equally free and of our basic rights being inalienable. Shortly before his death, Jefferson explained the connection between equality and liberty when he wrote that “the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God.”9