The Shadow of Arms

by Hwang Sok-Yong

  “When high government officials and their US advisors paid visits to model strategic hamlets, the local authorities would go to another area and dig up lots of orange and papaya trees and bring them back hastily to set up an attractive plantation. As soon as the inspection party was gone, the trees were dug up again and returned to their owners. It was around then that the people in the cities started calling the strategic hamlets ‘America Towns.’

  “The US military flew their helicopters in from all directions and dropped all sorts of things. White ceramic toilet bowls, chocolates, and even thousands of condoms to use for birth control. They gave marbles and yoyos to children suffering from nutritional deficiencies, and delivered comic books . . . Anyhow, they visited the hamlets to check the results of the advisors’ policies, distributed the fundamental freedoms described in their own informational pamphlets on pacification, then returned and reported to their superiors that they had secured the friendship and goodwill of the villagers and that they were now on the side of America.”

  The American military advisor for Quang Nam Province, a lieutenant colonel, interrupted the comments of the education section chief.

  “During Pacification Phase 1, which ran from 1962 to 1963, we and USOM concluded a rural revival agreement, and under its terms we promoted the strategic hamlet program. At that time around sixty hamlets in Quang Nam Province had already been inspected and approved by the provincial government. The approval criteria were six: defense facilities; organization of the local militias; training and armaments of the militias; identification and expulsion of Viet Cong elements; administration of elections in the hamlet; and completion of organizing counterinsurgency capability among friendly forces.

  “An agreement for support of Quang Nam Province projects was drawn up by the US—Vietnam Joint Investigation Commission who visited here in November 1962. The commission team was composed of the Vietnamese governor, the chief American military advisor, and USOM dispatch personnel. All the plans were reviewed and approved by the governor and his staff, and the American side held a veto right on economic matters. Our objective with the nationwide strategic hamlet program was protective segregation of the farmers from the Viet Cong, but gradually we extended it to other goals. In particular, the An Hoa project was being promoted around the same time.

  “The higher goal at the time was to provide better schools, health programs, and agricultural aid on the village level so as to implant a new image of the government in the minds of the people by increasing the government’s welfare activities on a national scale. It was expected that the strategic hamlet program would bring a real change, a revolution, socially as well as politically, in village life. We supplied wire mesh for fencing, pipes and cement, money for training the agents who actually would implement the project on the ground, wages for the farmers working on the construction, and resettlement allowances. The advisory group was also in charge of training allowances for the militia and their weaponry.

  “The concentration of the population in these hamlets situated in defensible zones made it very convenient to control the residents. Viet Cong sympathizers were revealed and we generated detailed histories recording which families had ever had members join the Viet Cong in the past. Soon afterwards, however, a problem erupted. The truth was that most residents never received their wages for work on building fences and only half of the cement and piping arrived at the hamlets. The resettlement allowances were never paid, either.

  “According to our investigations, most farmers had to borrow money to move their households, and the interest on these loans was as much as five percent per day. The farmers who never received materials to construct fencing and dwellings had to cut bamboo and wood instead, which turned out to have eaten up more than ten dollars of each farmer’s very limited wealth. The provincial government gave some reasons for the suspensions of supply, citing transportation difficulties and incompleteness in claim documents. As for the weapons, as somebody already mentioned, about two-thirds of the guns and ammunition was siphoned off into the black market.”

  “I’ll add a comment on that, OK?” piped up the chief of the agricultural section, once more wiping the sweat from his receding hairline.

  With a patient smile, the AID mission representative said, “Yes, fine.”

  “I had plenty of exposure to these problems in the Philippines and Hawaii. My comments are only intended as self-examination so we can minimize such discrepancies in planning the phoenix hamlet project. In its aid administration, America has always been emphasizing corruption in the recipient countries. Due to poverty and pre-modern political systems, most aid recipient countries are prone to corruption. If so, don’t you think there is also a basic problem on the part of the donor country?

  “Even now, under the procurement programs, we’re buying the products of the donor country with aid grants in the form of subsidies. When Vietnamese importers place an order for the needed goods, America pays dollars directly to the American suppliers. Vietnamese importers running normal commercial operations pay for their goods in piasters. These piasters are put into settlement accounts, which the American government then has our government use for paying military and civilian support personnel. As I understand it, eighty percent or more of this money has been used for defense support like the strategic hamlets program.

  “For almost twenty years the Americans have been giving an enormous amount of aid to Vietnam. The first, as I recall, was military aid given to the French under the 1949 Mutual Assistance Agreement. America then was giving military aid to the newly formed NATO, and to Greece, Turkey, Iran, Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan. France received about two million dollars in the first year. The money was given to strengthen NATO, but France, desiring to recover her colonialist strength, ingeniously earmarked a portion of the grants for Indochina.

  “The following year, Secretary of State Acheson announced that America was providing aid to France in order to relieve some of the direct costs incurred in confronting the Viet Minh. Weapons began to be shipped in by air to Saigon. A month later, President Truman’s military aid advisory group arrived and started handling the distribution of bombers, tanks and ammunition used by the French to kill Vietnamese. From then until the defeat of the French in 1954, over four years, America supplied military equipment valued at 2.6 billion dollars. To assist the French colonialists who dreamed of restoring their imperial dominion in Indochina, America took upon itself 80 percent of the war expense.

  “The Vietnamese people could not understand why the Americans, on one hand, were helping them by building roads and supplying food and medical supplies, and on the other hand were at the same time trying to kill them by giving cannons and guns to the French. After their defeat at Dien Bien Phu, France lost its suzerainty over Indochina. In an attempt to avoid criticism for colonialist intervention, America went on granting aid under the rubric of SEATO, the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization.

  “Once the Diem regime came into power, America gave annual aid of 270 million dollars, covering more than 80 percent of the entire budget of the South Vietnamese government and military. By also underwriting an annual trade deficit on a scale of 178 million dollars, America provided perfect support for the Diem regime. However, today there is not a single Vietnamese who doesn’t know that this fortune was never spent on any worthy causes. Diem and his family opened secret accounts at a Swiss bank and used the money to increase their personal wealth.

  “Diem’s younger brother, Ngo Dinh Nhu, stashed huge sums off money and used it to run his own personal secret police agency, expanding the prisons and political concentration camps, thus giving birth to the NLF. He made vast sums of money through the drug trade. Another brother, Archbishop Ngo Dinh Thuc, embezzled relief funds under cover of the church, and the third brother, Ngo Dinh Can, hoarded treasure of his own by controlling disposition of various maritime licenses and trading monopolies.

  “Diem a
ppointed his youngest brother ambassador to England and Madame Nhu’s father was the ambassador to the United States. Only when the crisis reached a crescendo did America realize how foolish it had been to support the Diem regime. The so-called ‘aid dividend’ was a term used quite openly and, as I understand it, the loss through corruption of about 200 million dollars in military aid was discussed in the US Senate. Therefore, as we promote this modest and precious program, we hope that the utilization of the aid will be decided by the residents themselves. We should let the villagers sit down together and decide for themselves whether the available funds should be used for wells, for agricultural projects, or for other things.”

  Listening to this idiotic harangue by the chief of the agriculture section, Pham Quyen savagely crushed out his cigar. Like a mule wearing blinders, the man could only see what the mule driver wanted him to see. He never tried to think through the root causes for the diversion of the aid money, nor of the ulterior motives for the aid, but merely jabbered about the chronic corruption in its administration. Pham Quyen had been well aware of these problems since his student days when he was in a reading circle in Saigon. There was no longer any doubt that this man was a figure that both sides would drive out and shun. Major Pham felt like giving him, his senior from school, some advice, but after some thought decided to leave him as he was.

  Pham Quyen emerged from his musings and lifted his head. The conversation had ground to a halt. It seemed that the AID representative in an ivory-colored suit had been talking in great detail about the corruption uncovered in the past at the provincial government office. Two female office workers were serving those present with coffee and sandwiches brought in from the Grand Hotel.

  “At that time we discovered evidence of corruption in the financial records of the office, but by then it was too late. One important project we must carry out in the future is the distribution of the fertilizer necessary to support each farmer’s cultivation of a two-acre plot of land. At the outset, the initial allotment will be to supply forty-four pounds of fertilizer for every quarter acre, and we’ll instruct them on how to mix the three different kinds of fertilizer.

  “For the Vietnamese farmers, the introduction of chemical fertilizers will be a momentous transition. The quantities to be used will gradually increase. Right now, the most serious deficiency in the diet of farm families in Quang Nam Province is protein. To increase meat intake is indispensable for suppressing the communist threat. One of the essential parts of the phoenix hamlet program is the pig-breeding plan.

  “We’ll also be supplying, besides cement and fertilizer, surplus agricultural products from America. In each hamlet we’ll construct a health center, and necessary medicines will be supplied. So, the chief of the agricultural section should bear in mind the implementation of the agricultural loan system, as well as improvements in livestock husbandry and techniques of cultivation. The chief of the education section should see to the assignment of teachers and delivery of textbooks as well as to education priorities aimed at raising able workers in the phoenix hamlets. I see that all of this is covered in great detail in the project planning documents. We, the US—Vietnam Joint Committee, believe that there should be no divergences of opinion, not even on minor details, as we examine and promote these particular objectives, thus there should be adequate discussion and consultation in advance.”

  “The Developmental Revolution Committee would like to say a few words. We suggest that in each hamlet a Residents’ Autonomous Council be formed with members elected by the villagers. What do you say to the idea that the governor and the chairman of the Autonomous Council be joint managers of the project in each hamlet, and that both be involved in the drafting of budgets, with the AID advisor only exercising a confirmation and economic veto power after the budgets are submitted?”

  Pham Quyen had floated this proposal that he had jotted down long before in his notebook. The chief of the agricultural section inadvertently had contributed to putting on the agenda the issue of the autonomy of their office in managing the program.

  “Fine. Constitute those councils, please.”

  “Once the councils are formed, the advisory group will pay for the services rendered by the members.”

  Both the US military advisor and the AID representative readily consented. The young Vietnamese general, the commander of the ARVN Second Division, hesitated a little and asked Pham Quyen, “If the autonomous councils are supervised by your office, what will we do?”

  “Well . . . there’s still the training and control of the militias, isn’t there? You, sir, will be responsible for that.”

  Pham Quyen’s reply must have satisfied the general, for he fell silent.

  The agriculture section chief asked, “Major Pham, shouldn’t the Residents’ Autonomous Councils be under the direction of the agriculture section?”

  “I do not think so, sir. The agriculture section will concern itself with improving agricultural skills, husbandry matters, and the management of the crop loan system. But all of those matters will be parts of programs processed through decisions of the Developmental Revolution Committee and the Autonomous Councils. And, it’s a different issue, but you should not forget that you’re an immediate subordinate of His Excellency, the Governor. Accordingly, I would remind you that your opinions should be expressed within the boundaries of your role as an officer of the provisional government. I ask that you refrain from remarks exceeding that role that involve internal matters or questions of support within the office. I do hope that in the future you will be more interested in agricultural technology and related productivity issues.”

  Pham Quyen then looked back at his secretary, Lieutenant Kiem, and added, “Delete the section chief’s last comment later. The old man would be furious.”

  “I understand, sir. Look through all of this yourself and then submit it.”

  Pham Quyen looked over at the chief of the agriculture section and grinned. “Sir, I have a bit of personal advice. Among us there can be no Jacobins or Girondists. They’re all out there in the jungle.”

  The agriculture section chief looked back with a blank stare, saying nothing. Major Pham once again addressed the Americans.

  “There’s one last thing the Developmental Revolution Committee would like to suggest. It’s urgent to set up a transportation section to take charge of supervising the storage, distribution, and control of all this great variety of commodities. It will be needing vehicles and warehouse facilities. At a minimum, we estimate that ten large trucks should be available and at least two good-sized warehouses need to be built.”

  “You may send up the budget for the warehouse construction. As for the vehicles, give your request to the lieutenant colonel.”

  One of the military aides turned to the US military advisor for Quang Nam Province and said, “All right, we’ll send over ten military trucks on indefinite loan to the provincial government office.”

  Pham Quyen was quick to follow up.

  “And while you’re at it, can you please solve the problem of fuel for the trucks, too?”

  “Any vehicle in possession of a permit issued by your office will be eligible to get gasoline at the American fuel warehouses nearby.”

  “Thank you. Now the two problems our committee needed to settle have been resolved.”

  At those words, the AID mission representative looked around the room, then said, “Ah, now we have guests with us who will put all these discussions in order and very succinctly get us to the heart of the matter. I believe their comments will give us some ideas for creative plans we can implement enthusiastically. Now, we’ll hear from Dr. Geronimo, a community development specialist, and Mr. Richards from the International Support Volunteer Corps.”

  Professor Geronimo, a specialist in rural development from the Philippines, had an unhealthy yellowish complexion and was wearing gold-rimmed glasses. The young so-called support volunte
er was growing a yellow mustache in an attempt to hide his apparent greenness and bestow a bit of dignity on himself. Major Pham wondered why this Professor Geronimo, who probably could not even speak Tagalong, had left behind the thousand miserable islands of his own backward country and flown to this harassed land. With perfect English diction, Professor Geronimo embarked on an extremely abstract speech:

  “Well, Gunnar Myrdal went so far as to say that corruption is an ethnic custom in Asian cultures, however . . .”

  20

  Major Pham sent the car back and headed for the alleys of the old Le Loi market on foot. After passing along the streets in the new market with their colorful window displays and flashy signs, he slowly threaded his way through alleys in which heaps of Chinese medicinal herbs had been piled up alongside fruit, dried seafood, and other edible goods. These narrow alleys, the stained walls and even the graffiti were all extremely familiar to him.

  The main avenue through the old market district cut across Doc Lap Boulevard and stretched all the way from the pier at one end to the inter-city bus terminal at the other. Unlike the new market, here were countless narrow walkways and alleys as bewildering as a labyrinth. Less than a block away there was a cluster of cheap whorehouses. In front of one of the bars, teenagers were sitting around a wooden table on the sidewalk, eating shrimp and drinking liquor.

  Small buses were busily coming and going in and out of the terminal. In the nearby freight cargo lots, oversized trucks were lined up to unload their heavy cargo. The regular stops on their delivery routes were painted on the trailers. Pham Quyen passed by a chaotic line of peddlers in the freight lot and approached a brick building that had colorful drapes hanging in the windows. As he opened the glass door, an office girl looked up from her abacus and account ledger, then rose and bowed politely. Inside, the air conditioner was running and it was very cool. A man seated at a huge mahogany desk cluttered with papers held out his hand and smiled.