Empire Made
Page 1
Contents
* * *
Title Page
Contents
Copyright
Dedication
Epigraph
Map: Nigel Halleck’s India, 1845
Timeline
Prologue
PART I
An Empire
An Education
Margalla Pass
A Passage
A Griffin
Ghazipur
A Safe and Prudent Distance
A Mosque
An Asiatic Rome
Patna
A Folly
A Policeman
A Christian Soldier
Gulzarbagh
A Conquest
A Peace
Bankipore
A War
A Giant
A Crossing
PART II
Chandragiri
A Maharaja
Kathmandu
A Prince
A Welcome
A Showcase
Tipling
A Lark
A Mutiny
PART III
Rosi Bagh
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
Lal Durbar
Now Is the Waiting
Stars of Tears
A Note on Sources and Further Reading
Acknowledgments
About the Author
Connect with HMH
Copyright © 2017 by Kief Hillsbery
All rights reserved
For information about permission to reproduce selections from this book, write to trade.permissions@hmhco.com or to Permissions, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 3 Park Avenue, 19th Floor, New York, New York 10016.
www.hmhco.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available.
ISBN 978-0-547-44331-7
Cover design by Martha Kennedy
Cover photograph © Silas Manhood
East India Trading Company coat of arms: Mary Evans Picture Library
Map of India: English School, 19th century/Private Collection/Bridgeman Images
Interior map by Mapping Specialists, Ltd.
eISBN 978-0-544-41689-5
v1.0617
Once again
to David
What I mean is, that if I had some more detective stories instead of Thucydides and some bottles of claret instead of tepid whisky, I should probably settle here for good.
—Robert Byron, The Road to Oxiana
Nigel Halleck’s India, 1845
Timeline
* * *
Nigel Halleck
1822
Born in Coventry, England
1839
Visits France and Italy
Secures nomination for writership with East India Company
1840
Enrolls at Haileybury College in Hertfordshire
1841
Graduates from Haileybury
Visits Egypt and Aden en route to India
1842
Settles in Calcutta
Hires native tutor and reads for honor in languages at College of Fort William during Company probationary period
1843
Posted to Dacca on temporary assignment as assistant in Company revenue office
Appointed to Accountant General’s Office, Calcutta
1844
Sponsored for election to the Bengal Club
Requests transfer to the Company’s revenue office in Patna
1845
Audits tax receipts of native squires appointed by the British to oversee opium croplands surrounding Patna
1846
Conducts field audit in Ghazipur and meets Major Henry Lawrence
“Borrowed” on Lawrence’s recommendation to assist with settlement of tax revenues in the newly annexed Jullundur Doab territory bordering the Punjab
Meets Lieutenant John Nicholson at Lawrence’s headquarters in Lahore
1847
Assesses tax revenues in Hoshiarpur district
1848
Continues tax assessment work in Kapurthala district
1849
Meets Sa’adat ul-Mulk at Ludhiana Cantonment
Visits John Nicholson at Hasan Abdal en route to assignment training revenue clerks in Yousafzai district, near Peshawar
Accompanies Sa’adat on ride out of Lahore to visit Afghan ruby mines at Jagdalak
1850
Visits Kathmandu, Nepal, with Sa’adat after Company approves application for home leave
Returns to England
1851
Chooses not to renew employment with East India Company after returning to India and settles in Nepal as guest of Maharaja Jang Bahadur Rana
1854
Travels to Peshawar with Sa’adat and visits Nicholson at Bannu
1856
Joins Jang Bahadur on tiger shoot in Terai jungle
1878
Dies at Namobuddha, Nepal
Prologue
THIS BOOK TELLS the story—often shadowy, sometimes perplexing, frequently eccentric—of an English gentleman who went out to India in the era of Kipling’s “white man’s burden” and found that its weight was more than he could bear. Like his ten thousand countrymen who dispensed justice and imposed taxes on one-fifth of the world’s population in the 1840s, he was neither a civil servant nor a soldier, but a salaried employee of a joint stock company whose shares were traded on the London exchange. “It is the strangest of all governments,” said the Whig politician Thomas Macaulay in the House of Commons in 1833, “but it is designed for the strangest of all empires.”
For the first two hundred years of the Honourable East India Company’s existence after its charter by Elizabeth I in 1600, its men on the ground in India fit the mold of ruffians and buccaneers more than rulers. But powerful forces back home eventually worked to refine the behavior of Company employees and transform the role of the Company itself. The first was the rise of the Evangelical movement within the Church of England. Until 1813, missionary work was against the law in colonial India, on grounds that it caused disaffection among the natives and undermined British political authority. But when the Company’s charter came up for renewal that year, it was obliged by Parliament to welcome missionaries as the price of retaining its trading privileges.
The second was the propagation of Jeremy Bentham’s philosophy of utilitarianism, which held that moral, social, and political action should be directed toward achieving the greatest good for the largest number of people. The idea that Indians were a backward race who should be ruled by Englishmen for their own good replaced the profit motive as the engine of colonial administration. By the time a wide-eyed twenty-year-old named Nigel Halleck debarked from a packet steamer onto the teeming docks of Calcutta in 1842, the East India Company was no longer involved in commerce at all. Its mission was to civilize, and Christianize.
Nigel was my mother’s grandfather’s great-uncle. The first time I heard of him I was a child, on a visit to my aunt’s home in the old Midlands market town of Coventry. On the rainy afternoon of a gray English day, I sat on the floor of her dressing closet and watched my sister bedeck herself with cast-off jewelry, culled from heirlooms my aunt thought too hideous to wear but too ancient to discard. I rummaged through her leavings and held up a heavy silver brooch, black with tarnish. It was particularly old and particularly ugly. The shield was fussily chased, and the large, gaudy stone gleamed pink as candy floss.
Its facets caught the light from the dim bare bulb overhead and sparked with lurid fire. I turned the brooch in my hands and read out the spidery text engraved on the back:
Your loving Nigel
“Who was Nigel?” I asked my aunt.
That would be my
uncle, she said, many times removed. He had gone out to India.
I asked why.
To help those poor people, she said. “Many men did in those days.”
India, she explained, had figured in the lives of several of my ancestors. A consulship in Burma was mentioned, and there had been a couple of vicars, and someone in railway administration—no, not an engineer, of either sort. Driving a train, she informed me, was common, and as for devising a railway’s route—grades and bridges, tunnels, beds for track—a head for such figures never sat on the shoulders of anyone who bled our blood, she was absolutely sure of that.
How long were they in India, I wondered, and what was it they did afterwards, back in England, and after she told me—two or three years for the consul and the clergymen, five she supposed for the railwayman, and more or less the same as what they did in India, practiced their professions—I returned to Uncle Nigel: what did he do?
“Do?”
“In England. After India.”
Actually, she said, he never came back. He stayed in the East.
“His whole life?”
“Indeed he did.”
“He must have liked it.”
“I suppose he must.”
“Was he the only one ever? Who stayed?”
“Heavens, no. Many have. Why, Mother Teresa—”
“In our family.”
No others came to mind, she said. Not for India. There was my mother, of course, who married my American father after the war and decamped across the pond.
“Did Nigel get married? Was that why? To an Indian?”
“Certainly not. Of course not.”
“He never had a wife?”
“I’m afraid not.”
The brooch had been a gift to his mother, she said.
Then she changed the subject, leaving me with both a clear sense that she disapproved of Nigel and the vague notion that there was more to his story than my aunt thought suitable for sharing with my ten-year-old self. A decade later, when I was on the verge of heading East myself for a college year abroad in Nepal, my mother confirmed my suspicions. Nigel, she confided, had separated from the East India Company under some sort of cloud. Afterwards he had supposedly “gone native” in Nepal and lived until his death in 1878 as one of a handful of Europeans admitted to the then-forbidden Himalayan kingdom.
According to family legend, his exile was forced—he couldn’t stay in India or come back to England. But no one quite knew why. He might have been a jewel thief, he might have been a spy. He was, everyone agreed, a hunter of big game, and one story had it that he met his end in the mouth of a man-eating tiger in the Terai jungle, on the border of Nepal and India.
My mother was less troubled by the manner of his reputed demise than by its loneliness. On the eve of my departure in the spring of 1975, she entrusted me with a sheaf of pages from letters written by Nigel in the 1840s and early 1850s. Some were reproduced on vintage copy paper, slick and vaguely toxic. Others were transcribed from the originals. Only a few of the letters were complete. She said that most of his correspondence had been lost in the Nazi bombing of Coventry, as had the whereabouts of his grave. To her way of thinking, it was nothing short of scandalous that in all those years none of Nigel’s relatives—not even those who spent years in India themselves—had ever had the bottle to find his gravesite and pay their respects.
I promised I would do my best to be the first. I had never been to Asia. I thought it would be simple—an inquiry here, a walk through a graveyard there. I had no idea that the very concept of bureaucracy was invented by the Mughal rulers of India in the fifteenth century, only to be raised to impenetrable perfection by the British who supplanted them as imperial masters.
TWENTY-ONE YEARS LATER, nursing a glass of sweet milky tea in a café in Kathmandu, at the end of my third sojourn in Nepal, I had so far succeeded only in prolonging the scandal. By 1996 I had traipsed across a half dozen colonial cemeteries, forgotten ossuaries of empire where epitaphs alluded to epidemics, massacres, and the shimmer of moonlight upon the freshet Clyde. I had come to navigate the stacks of several British Council libraries with the same hard-won sureness I felt after mastering the subway maze beneath Times Square. I had devoted time and trouble to near-forensic examination of vermin-chewed ledgers in the archives of the family that had long ruled Nepal, and more conversations than I could count with persons and personages in India, Nepal, and Pakistan deemed likely to know where all manner of bodies were buried. For more than half my life, I had tried and failed to find out exactly what became of Nigel Halleck.
But it was other unfinished business in Nepal that occupied my thoughts on that day in the Unity Restaurant. At a nearby table, a Japanese in his late twenties pored over a binder of black-and-white photographs encased in plastic sleeves. I couldn’t make out what they depicted, but I recognized the title on the spine of the book he referred to as he leafed through them.
In my college days, Himalayan Pilgrimage had amounted to my Bible. Published in 1961, it recounted one of the first journeys undertaken by a European, David Snellgrove, into the remote region of the Nepal Himalaya called Dolpo. The highest permanently inhabited place on the planet, it was the last redoubt of practitioners of Bön, the ancient religion of Tibet.
My independent undergraduate research project in Nepal had focused on nature reverence among the Bön-po, mostly because I was a mountaineer, and studying people who lived nowhere but the high country seemed the best way to ensure that I spent most of my time there. As it turned out, though, I never managed to visit their homeland. The trails into Dolpo were treacherous, I was told, and there was hardly any food. Nor would I care for the inhabitants, who were surly and dirty. Left unspoken by the authorities at the Ministry of Home Affairs in Kathmandu was their real reason for saying no, which was the lingering presence in Dolpo of Tibetan resistance fighters, who had harassed the People’s Liberation Army from bases there until President Nixon’s visit to China put an end to their sponsorship by the CIA. Three years after the last American airdrop, the Khampas, as they were known, had no intention of giving up their guerrilla raids; the Nepalese government, unable to evict them, chose to pretend they did not exist. Keeping out foreigners who might produce evidence to the contrary was part of the charade in 1975.
I decided to recalibrate my research project. But Dolpo had never lost its allure for me. Twenty years later, I still wanted to go there. Travel restrictions had gradually been relaxed with the dispersal of the guerrillas, and though some of the most enticing areas remained off-limits, I knew that trekking permits were now occasionally granted on a case-by-case basis. I asked my neighbor with the photographs if he was one of the lucky ones.
Not yet, he said.
Still trying.
The problem, he said, was the exorbitant fee for a permit. The Nepalese had lately made the happy discovery that they could charge tens of thousands of dollars apiece to mountaineers for permission to climb eight-thousand-meter summits like Everest and Annapurna. They were currently operating on the assumption that trekkers who wished to be among the first into Dolpo had pockets just as deep. But there he was, a graduate student on a spartan budget. Even the Unity—an oasis of hygiene where salad greens were washed in boiled water and cutlery was sterilized to ward off hepatitis—was a stretch. Usually he dined at one of the dives in Thamel where out-of-work Sherpas ate their fill of buckwheat noodles for a rupee or two a bowl.
I told him of my interest in the Bön-po. He said he found them fascinating, too. Not that he was a Tibetologist himself, or even a scholar of religion. His field was East Asian history, and for several years he had been researching the travels of Ekai Kawaguchi, a Buddhist monk and amateur Japanese spy who in 1899 became the first foreigner to enter Dolpo. Like the Khampas seventy-five years later, Kawaguchi was not supposed to be there. Disguised as a Tibetan lama and accompanied by two loyal Mongolian servants, he passed through Dolpo, sketching and mapping, and returned to his base of ope
rations in Tibet. Some years later, Kawaguchi discharged the servants, a married couple who then decided to return to Nepal on pilgrimage before journeying home to Mongolia.
It was the servants, he said, whose lives he was researching now. He actually found them more interesting than Kawaguchi. The arc of the secret agent’s story was predictable; the arc of the story of his devout retainers was anything but. They never went back to Mongolia, for one thing. When they learned that a Buddhist shrine in the Himalayan foothills east of Kathmandu was without a caretaker, they took the job and settled there.
“Do you know Namobuddha?” he asked.
I said that I did. I had visited the shrine myself, twenty years before.
“I remember it well,” I said.
But I barely knew the place at all. He spun one yarn after another about the antics, sacred and profane, of the pilgrims who made their way there over the course of several generations, as reported by the estimable Mongolians, who for decades told and retold everything they saw and heard with Chaucerian relish, over endless cups of black brick tea, to travelers from as near as you could spit and as far as you could go, from as far as England, even, like the one poor sahib who stopped at the chautara at the top of the hill to take one breath and never took another, back when most Nepalis had never seen a live sahib, let alone a dead one.
Wait, I said.
A chautara, he explained, was a resting platform for porters, built up with stones to take the weight of the heavy baskets they carried off their necks and shoulders.