The Crusader States

by Malcolm Barber

  117. A confirmation by Pons of Tripoli in 1116 shows that the monks had successfully established themselves: Richard, ‘Le Chartrier’, pp. 610–12.

  118. RRH, no. 38, p. 6 (16 January 1103), for St Victor.

  119. See R. Hiestand, ‘Saint-Ruf d'Avignon, Raymond de Saint-Gilles et l'église latine du comté de Tripoli’, Annales du Midi, 98 (1986), 327–36.

  120. Ralph of Caen, p. 122. For Byzantine relations with Raymond and his successors, see Richard, Comté, pp. 27–30.

  121. AA, 9.51, pp. 710–11. See J. Richard, ‘Questions de topographie tripolitaine’, Journal asiatique, 236 (1948), 53–9, who shows that, despite being forced to scale down their ambitions, the counts of Tripoli did not really abandon them until 1186.

  122. The Register of Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085: An English Translation, tr. H.E.J. Cowdrey, Oxford, 2002, 1.46, pp. 50–1.

  123. See Hill and Hill, Raymond IV, pp. 3–21.

  124. WT, 11.2, pp. 496–7. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 1, p. 463.

  125. Richard, Comté, pp. 3, 15, 24–5.

  126. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 83–7; Ibn al-Athir, part 1, pp. 132–3.

  127. J. Richard, ‘Les Saint-Gilles et le comté de Tripoli’, in Islam et chrétiens du Midi (XIIe–XIVe s.): Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 18 (1983), pp. 65–75.

  128. See A.V. Murray, ‘A Note on the Origin of Eustace Grenier’, Bulletin of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, 6 (1986), 28–30.

  129. AA, 11.10–12, pp. 780–3; WT, 11.9, pp. 507–8; FC, 2.41, p. 531, is typically brief, but nevertheless makes it clear that Baldwin had made peace between the parties. See also Richard, Comté, pp. 5–6, and Nicholson, Joscelyn I, pp. 22–4.

  130. See the discussion by Edgington, in AA, pp. 786–7, n. 22.

  131. See Murray, ‘Norman Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, 73–4.

  132. English Historical Documents, vol. 2, 1042–1189, ed. D.C. Douglas and G.W. Greenway, 2nd edn, Oxford, 1981, no. 50, pp. 481–3. See D.C. Douglas, William the Conqueror: The Norman Impact on England, London, 1964, pp. 306–9.

  133. FC, 2.41, p. 533; AA, 9.13, pp. 782–7, who also has a story about 500 soldiers hiding inside the city, ready to attack the Christians, but who were thwarted when they were betrayed. FC, ed. Hagenmeyer, p. 534, n. 14, for the date.

  134. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 89, giving the date as 12 July.

  135. RRH, no. 55, pp. 11–12.

  136. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 91.

  137. Pryor, Geography, Technology and War, pp. 113–24. In the past the Fatimids had relied on the control of the ports of North Africa and the Syro-Palestinian coast to provide watering facilities for what had once been a strong navy. See J. Richard, ‘Les bases maritimes des Fatimides, leur corsairs et l'occupation franque en Syrie’, in Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras, II, Orientali Lovaniensia Analecta, 83, ed. V. Vermeulen and D. De Smet, Louvain, 1998, pp. 115–16.

  138. See M. Lombard, ‘Une carte du bois dans la Méditerranée musulmane (VIIe–XIe siècles)’, Annales ESC, 14 (1959), 240–5, 253.

  139. See M. Lombard, ‘Arsenaux et bois de marine dans la Méditerranée musulmane (VIIe–XIe siècles)’, in Le navire et l'économie maritime du Moyen #afAge au XVIIIe s., principalement en Méditerranée, Actes II Colloque international d'histoire maritime, 1957, Paris, 1958, pp. 61–5.

  140. WT, 11.10, p. 509. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 1, p. 477.

  141. FC, 2.42, pp. 534–5, 2.44, pp. 543–8; AA, 11.15–17, pp. 786–91, 11.26, pp. 798–801, 11.30–4, pp. 802–9; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 99–101, 106–8.

  142. WT, 11.14, p. 519.

  143. Arguably his kingdom encompassed Tripoli as well, a situation that led to the later struggle with Pons of Tripoli; see Chapter 7, pp. 152–3.

  144. WT, 11.12, p. 514. See J. Prawer, ‘The Origin of the Court of Burgesses’, in Crusader Institutions, Oxford, 1980, pp. 263–95, and Nader, Burgesses, pp. 29–30. The first reference to an actual curia is in 1149: Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 110, p. 231.

  145. See Nader, Burgesses, pp. 71–99.

  146. John VIII died at some point before 1116/17, when a new patriarch, Sabas, bishop of Caesarea, was appointed, but he too was resident in Jerusalem for only a short time. See Pahlitzsch, Graeci und Suriani, pp. 101–38, and Hamilton, Latin Church, pp. 179–80.

  147. See E.H. Byrne, ‘The Genoese Colonies in Syria’, in The Crusades and Other Historical Essays Presented to Dana C. Munro, ed. L.J. Paetow, New York, 1928, pp. 145–59.

  148. See W. Müller-Wiener, Castles of the Crusaders, London, 1966, pp. 64–5, plates 85–7; Kennedy, Crusader Castles, pp. 64–7.

  149. A. V. Murray, ‘Ethnic Identity in the Crusader States: The Frankish Race and the Settlement of Outremer’, in Concepts of National Identity in the Middle Ages, ed. S. Forde, L. Johnson and A.V. Murray, Leeds, 1995, pp. 59–73; ‘How Norman Was the Principality of Antioch? Prolegomena to a Study of the Origins of the Nobility of a Crusader State’, in Family Trees and the Roots of Politics: The Prosopography of Britain and France from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century, ed. K.S.B. Keats-Rowan, Woodbridge, 1997, pp. 349–59.

  150. See Jaspert, ‘Ein Polymythos’, pp. 211–12, and N. Morton, ‘The defence of the Holy Land and the memory of the Maccabees’, Journal of Medieval History, 30 (2010), 6–7, 10–11. Even so, Ralph of Caen, p. 38. Tr. Bachrach and Bachrach, p. 61, did claim Baldwin's descent from Charlemagne, thus making him born ‘to take his seat on David's throne’: see Riley-Smith, First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading, p. 112.

  151. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 30–4. Charters are a good indicator of the difficulties faced in establishing a new political entity where there are no models or archives, leaving the drafters with little more than their own intuition and their memories of their lands of origin. Not surprisingly the early charters of the kingdom exhibit many inconsistencies: see ULKJ, vol. 1, pp. 42–51.

  152. AA, 11.10, pp. 780–1.

  5 The Military, Institutional and Ecclesiastical Framework

  1. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 83–7.

  2. See R. Ellenblum, Crusader Castles and Modern Histories, Cambridge, 2007, pp. 203–6.

  3. Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier, ed. L. de Mas Latrie, Société de l'Histoire de France, Paris, 1871, pp. 315–16. This is a history of the kingdom in Old French, part of which was probably written in the early 1190s by Ernoul, a squire of Balian II, lord of Ibelin. It contains information not found in William of Tyre. This section, however, is unlikely to have been written by Ernoul. See Chapter 11, pp. 275, 286.

  4. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 145–6.

  5. AA, 11.16–19, pp. 788–93; Matthew of Edessa, 3.45, pp. 203–4. See Beaumont, ‘Albert of Aachen’, pp. 133–4, who does not think that either chronicler is credible on the stories of the Franco-Turkish alliances.

  6. FC, 2.43, pp. 537–43.

  7. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 101–4.

  8. See Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, pp. 89–109, on the jihad. She does not, however, think that the campaigns of the first two decades of the twelfth century can be given the title of jihad, p. 108. In contrast, see Richard, Crusades, p. 134, who accepts René Grousset's term, ‘counter-crusades’, as appropriate for this period.

  9. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 103–4; FC, 2.43, pp. 542–3; AA, 11.20–4, pp. 792–9.

  10. Matthew of Edessa, 3.47, p. 205.

  11. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 110–12.

  12. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 112–13.

  13. Ibn al-Athir, part 1, p. 155.

  14. See H.S. Fink, ‘The Foundation of the Latin States, 1099–1118’, in A History of the Crusades, vol. 1, The First Hundred Years, ed. M.W. Baldwin, Madison, 1969, 1, pp. 400–1.

  15. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p.119.

  16. Ibn al-Athir, part 1, p. 159; FC, 2.46, pp. 560–1.

  17. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 126.

  18. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 130; Ibn al-Athir, part 1, pp. 157–9.

  19. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp.
142–3.

  20. WT, 11.19, p. 523.

  21. FC, 2.49, pp. 565–72.

  22. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp.141–2.

  23. Ibn al-Athir, part 1, p. 163.

  24. FC, 2.51, p. 578. Tr. Ryan, p. 209. FC, 2.53, p. 582.

  25. Matthew of Edessa, 3.63, p. 214.

  26. Ibn al-Athir, part 1, pp. 163, 166–7.

  27. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 127.

  28. See Beech, ‘A Norman-Italian Adventurer’, pp. 38–9. He had held this lordship since at least 1108. A potential struggle over the control of Antioch between Roger and Bohemond II never took place because of the former's death in 1119.

  29. Roger's sister, Maria, married Joscelin of Courtenay before 1119, but the date is not known: see Nicholson, Joscelyn I, p. 62.

  30. WT, 11.22, pp. 527–9. See Nicholson, Joscelyn I, pp. 25–47, and Amouroux-Mourad, Le comté d'Édesse, pp. 69–70. WT says that King Baldwin recognised Joscelin's military value, perhaps because of his wars in Edessa. In addition, he may have taken part in the battle of Ramla in May 1102, along with Arpin of Bourges and others from the army of Stephen of Blois: see Orderic Vitalis, vol. 5, bk 10, pp. 324–5, for this group. See Chapter 4, p. 70.

  31. Ibn al-Athir, part 1, p. 172; WC, 1.2, pp. 66–7.

  32. WC, 1.4, pp. 69–71. Tr. Asbridge and Edgington, pp. 96–7.

  33. WC, 1.6–7, pp. 73–7. Tr. Asbridge and Edgington, pp. 106–7; FC, 2.54, pp. 586–90; Ibn al-Athir, part 1, pp. 172–3; Matthew of Edessa, 3.70, pp. 218–19. Ibn al-Qalanisi, who must have been well informed about the battle, chooses not to mention it.

  34. FC, 2.55, pp. 592–3. Tr. Ryan, p. 215.

  35. WT, 11.26, p. 535.

  36. See D. Pringle, ‘Churches and settlement in crusader Palestine’, in The Experience of Crusading, vol. 2, Defining the Crusader Kingdom, ed. P. Edbury and J. Phillips, Cambridge, 2003, pp. 171–2; Pringle, Churches, vol. 2, no. 229, pp. 307–11, no. 230, pp. 311–14.

  37. See Kennedy, Crusader Castles, pp. 24–6; Pringle, Secular Buildings, no. 157, pp. 75–6.

  38. AA, 12.21, pp. 856–7. For the wider context, see H.E. Mayer, Die Kreuzfahrerherrschaft Montréal (Sbak): Jordanien im 12. Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden, 1990.

  39. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 59–60. T. Asbridge, The Creation of the Principality of Antioch, 1098–1130, Woodbridge, 2000, p. 5, surmises that Walter the Chancellor held the office in the principality from c.1114 to c.1122, but he appears in no actual charters. There was a chancellor called Jacob in Edessa in 1126: RRH, no. 113a, p. 8.

  40. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 11–54.

  41. Epp, Fulcher von Chartres, p. 27; Richard, ‘Quelques textes’, p. 421.

  42. See H.E. Mayer, ‘Die Hofkapelle der Könige von Jerusalem’, Deutsches Archiv, 44 (1988), 489–509.

  43. See J. Strayer, ‘The Laicization of French and English Society in the Thirteenth Century’, in Change in Medieval Society: Europe North of the Alps, 1050–1500, ed. S. Thrupp, New York, 1964 (originally 1940), p. 113.

  44. WT, 18.4–5, pp. 814–17. See R. Hiestand, ‘Die Anfänge der Johanniter’, in Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, ed. J. Fleckenstein and M. Hellmann, Vorträge und Forschungen 26, Sigmaringen, 1980, pp. 33–47, and A. Luttrell, ‘The Earliest Hospitallers’, in Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, J. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand, Aldershot, 1997, pp. 37–42.

  45. The obscurity of his origins made him an ideal vessel for later Hospitaller myths, giving him a semi-legendary status: see Hiestand, ‘Anfänge der Johanniter’, pp. 42–3.

  46. Cartulaire général de l'Ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem, 1100–1310, vol. 1, ed. J. Delaville Le Roulx, Paris, 1894, no. 1, pp. 21–2; ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 98–9; AA, 7.70, pp. 584–5.

  47. Cart., vol. 1, no. 20, pp. 21–2, no. 25, pp. 25–6, no. 28, pp. 27–8, no. 29, pp. 28–9; ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 42, pp. 165–8, no. 51, pp. 176–7, no. 52, pp. 177–9.

  48. See Hiestand, ‘Anfänge der Johanniter’, pp. 47–8, and Luttrell, ‘Earliest Hospitallers’, pp. 39–40. The process by which the change of allegiance from St Mary Latin to the Holy Sepulchre took place is by no means clear.

  49. Cart., vol. 1, no. 30, p. 29. The importance of this privilege can be exaggerated. Hiestand, ‘Anfänge der Johanniter’, pp. 50–3, makes clear that it neither established the hospital as a separate order, nor exempted it from episcopal jurisdiction. In other words, it was a privilege of a kind received by many other ecclesiastical institutions.

  50. AA, 7.62, pp. 572–5. See Chapter 4, pp. 73–4.

  51. See Luttrell, ‘Earliest Hospitallers’, pp. 46–52.

  52. Daniel, in JP, p. 120.

  53. Gesta Francorum, pp. 92, 98. See Jaspert , ‘Das Heilige Grab, das Wahre Kreuz, Jerusalem und das Heilige Land’, pp. 73–4, for the context.

  54. Daniel, in JP, pp. 127–8.

  55. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 6–15; J. Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, 1098–1187, Cambridge, 1995, pp. 48, 177.

  56. AA, 6.41, pp. 454–5.

  57. Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 19, pp. 72–4.

  58. Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 20, pp. 74–7.

  59. See C.H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages, 2nd edn, London, 1989, pp. 163–9, who describes the Rule of St Augustine as ‘the identity card of the regular canonical life’. WT, 11.15, p. 519. For Raymond's foundation, see Chapter 4, p. 89.

  60. Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 3, pp. 36–7. The canons had been in conflict with the patriarch in the past, most notably with Daibert, FC, 2.5, p. 384. Epp, Fulcher von Chartres, pp. 31–2, thinks that Fulcher might have become a canon of the Holy Sepulchre at this time, perhaps replacing some of those who could not accept the reform. Papal intervention of this kind emphasised the need for institutions like the Holy Sepulchre to have direct access to the papacy. In 1144, Celestine II granted them a church in Rome where they could stay ‘when you come to the curia on behalf of the affairs of your church’: Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 13, pp. 58–9.

  61. This chapel was one of the earliest of the crusader constructions on this site. It enclosed the area that was thought to have been where St Helena found the True Cross. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 9, 45.

  62. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 57–60, 204, 500, and Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 17–18, 45–6, 58–63. Pringle argues that the canons’ cloister was laid out sufficiently far to the east to allow for the future extension of the church, suggesting that at least some planning had been done while Arnulf was patriarch. He thinks, too, that the cloister was not completed until the reconstruction of the church was begun. However, a definitive chronology is not possible.

  63. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, p. 125.

  64. FC, 1.30, p. 308; WT, 9.9, p. 431.

  65. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 398–401.

  66. FC, 1.26, pp. 289–90. See H.E. Mayer, Bistümer, Klöster und Stifte im Königreich Jerusalem, Stuttgart, 1977, pp. 222–4.

  67. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 70; Daniel in JP, pp. 36–7. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 262–4.

  68. Daniel, in JP, p. 135. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 72–3.

  69. Cart., vol. 1, no. 25, pp. 25–6, no. 28, pp. 27–8. See B. Hamilton, ‘Ideals of Holiness: Crusaders, Contemplatives and Mendicants’, International History Review, 17 (1995), 695–6.

  70. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 287–9.

  71. WT, 9.9, p. 431. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 287–9.

  72. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 69; RRH, Add., no. 36c, p. 3. Baldwin seems to have been forgiven his fraudulent claim to have been marked with a cross in order to raise money for his journey: see Murray, Crusader Kingdom, pp. 184–5.

  73. WT, 9.13, pp. 437–8. Tr. Babcock and Krey, p. 399. For example, Tancred's grant of 1101 to the monastery of Mount Tabor: ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 20, pp. 124–5.

  74. Pere
grinationes Tres, pp. 73–4. Tr. JP, p. 111. Daniel, in JP, pp. 163–4. Bishop Bernard is first documented in 1109, but it looks as if he held the see from at least 1106, the time of Daniel's visit. On him, see Hamilton, Latin Church, p. 60. For the church, see Pringle, Churches, vol. 2, pp. 116–19.

  75. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 74; Daniel, in JP, p. 161. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 2, pp. 63–5.

  76. See Hamilton, ‘Ideals of Holiness’, 698.

  77. AA, 12.9–11, pp. 838–41. There is a grant to the abbot and monks there in June 1115: RRH, no. 77, pp. 17–18.

  78. See J. Riley-Smith, ‘Government in Latin Syria and the Commercial Privileges of Foreign Merchants’, in Relations between East and West in the Middle Ages, ed. D. Baker, Edinburgh, 1973, pp. 109–32.

  79. See Jacoby, ‘Economic Function of the Crusader States’, p. 188.

  80. In the mid-thirteenth century the exchequer was called by the Byzantine name, the Secrète, but the term does not seem to have been used in the time of Baldwin I.

  81. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 130–1.

  82. AA, 12.2–4, pp. 826–9.

  83. AA, 12.8, pp. 834–5. See Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare, pp. 79–82.

  84. Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 25, pp. 85–6. See Hamilton, Latin Church, pp. 61–2.

  85. WT, 11.21, pp. 525–7. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 1, p. 496. The key phrase is quibuscumque conditionibus parentes.

  86. Murray, Crusader Kingdom, p. 116.

  87. See Mayer, ‘Études’, pp. 68–72, for discussion of the evidence.

  88. Murray, Crusader Kingdom, p. 116. Roger was, of course, crowned king of Sicily in 1130 by the anti-pope, Anacletus II, thus establishing a dynasty of Norman kings, but this could not have been anticipated at this time.

  89. AA, 12.13, pp. 842–5; FC, 2.51, pp. 575–7. Edgington, in AA, pp. 842–3, n. 25, suggests that Albert's description is modelled on Plutarch's portrayal of Cleopatra.

  90. WT, 11.21, p. 526. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 1, p. 497.

  91. See Murray, ‘Norman Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, 78–9.