114. WT, 17.13–14, pp. 777–80.
115. Mayer, ‘Queen Melisende’, pp. 175–8; Barber, ‘Philip of Nablus’, pp. 66–8. When Ascalon fell in 1153, Baldwin ensured that both in the city and in the contado the new fiefs were held by his own followers before he granted it to Amalric the following year. Even then Baldwin was reluctant to allow his brother too much freedom of action, for Amalric was obliged to accept Ralph of Bethlehem, the royal chancellor, as chancellor in his double county as well. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 116–29.
116. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 287–8; Kinnamos, p. 143; WT, 18.25, p. 849. William calls him ‘a certain (quendam) Bertrand’, which suggests that he knew very little about him and was probably unaware of the circumstances of his capture in 1148.
117. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 22–3.
118. J. Riley-Smith, ‘The Templars and the castle of Tortosa in Syria: an unknown document concerning the acquisition of the fortress’, English Historical Review, 74 (1969), 278–88, which includes the text of the 1157 confirmation. See Mayer, ‘Queen Melisende’, pp. 159–60, for a discussion of the chronology.
119. See Barber, New Knighthood, pp. 79–83.
120. See Richard, ‘Les Saint-Gilles et le comté de Tripoli’, 72–5.
121. See Mayer, ‘Queen Melisende’, p. 158.
122. WT, 17.19, pp. 786–7. Ralph of Merle had been one of the proposed husbands for Constance in the discussions that had preceded these murders.
123. See N. Elisséeff, ‘The Reaction of the Syrian Muslims after the Foundation of the First Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in Crusaders and Muslims, pp. 166–72, and Elisséeff, Nr ad-Dn, vol. 3, pp. 750–79.
9 The Frankish Imprint
1. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, vol. 4, RS 57, London, 1877, pp. 143–4. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 66, p. 140.
2. Ibn Shaddad, p. 216.
3. WT, 17.12, pp. 775–6; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 297. William's phrase is quasi regni limes.
4. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 312.
5. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 314.
6. See P.M. Holt, The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517, London, 1986, pp. 46–7.
7. WT, 17.25, pp. 794–5; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 316.
8. For alternative versions, see H. Nicholson, ‘Before William of Tyre: European Reports on the Military Orders’ Deeds in the East, 1150–1185’, in The Military Orders, vol. 2, Welfare and Warfare, ed. H. Nicholson, Aldershot, 1998, pp. 112–14. Palestinian nobles who had failed to support the Templars may well have been anxious to protect their own reputations by presenting William of Tyre with this version of events. William disliked the Templars, mainly because he believed that their exemptions undermined diocesan authority, so the story of Templar greed fitted his preconceptions.
9. WT, 17.27, pp. 797–9.
10. WT, 17.30, p. 805.
11. For the dating, see Stevenson, Crusaders in the East, p. 171, n. 3. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 1, pp. 61–9, for a plan of the town and the positions of the churches in the period up to 1191.
12. See Fedalto, La Chiesa Latina, vol. 2, p. 51, and Hamilton, Latin Church, p. 59.
13. WT, 17.30, p. 804. The phrase used is matris consilio.
14. Usamah, pp. 42–54; WT, 18.9, pp. 822–3.
15. See Barber, New Knighthood, pp. 75–6.
16. ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 249, pp. 457–9. See H.E. Mayer, ‘Ein Deperditum König Balduins III. von Jerusalem als Zeugnis seiner Pläne zur Eroberung Ägyptens’, Deutches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters, 36 (1980), 549–66.
17. ‘Le Livre des Assises by John of Jaffa’, in Edbury, John of Ibelin, XI, pp. 114, 193.
18. See Mayer, ‘Ein Deperditum’, 563–4, and J. Prawer, Histoire du royaume latin de Jérusalem, vol. 1, tr. G. Nahon, Paris, 1969, p. 423. ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 242, pp. 446–9, for the agreement with Pisa.
19. WT, 17.21–30, pp. 789–805.
20. Edbury and Rowe, William of Tyre, pp. 161–3.
21. See Chapter 6, p. 121.
22. WT, 17.20, pp. 787–9. Tr. Babcock and Krey, p. 216.
23. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 289.
24. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 289–318, for the pressure exerted by Nur al-Din.
25. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 320.
26. See J. Drory, ‘Hanbals of the Nablus Region in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries’, in The Medieval Levant: Studies in Memory of Eliyahu Ashtor (1914–1984), ed. B.Z. Kedar and A.L. Udovitch, Haifa, 1988, pp. 93–9. They migrated in two groups, totalling 119 persons. Members of the family later fought in Saladin's armies.
27. WT, 17.26, p. 796.
28. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 348, 353.
29. WT, 17.26, pp. 795–6 (viri militi quasi gregario nubere dignaretur).
30. PL, vol. 155, pp. 1263–4. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 19, p. 50.
31. Michael the Syrian, 17.10, p. 290.
32. WT, 18.1, p. 809.
33. WT, 17.10, p. 773. See Chapter 8, pp. 193–4.
34. WT, 15.18, pp. 699–700. This cluster of men from the Limousin may reflect Raymond's attempt to counter the predominantly Norman nature of the principality.
35. See B. Hamilton, ‘Aimery of Limoges, Patriarch of Antioch: Ecumenist, Scholar and Patron of Hermits’, in The Joy of Learning and the Love of God: Studies in Honor of Jean Leclercq, ed. E.R. Elder, Cistercian Studies, 160, Kalamazoo, 1995, pp. 270–1.
36. R. Hiestand, ‘Un centre intellectual en Syrie du Nord? Notes sur la personnalité d'Aimery d'Antioche, Albert de Tarse et Rorgo Fretellus’, Le Moyen Age, 5th series, 8 (1994), 8–16.
37. See Kedar, ‘Gerard of Nazareth’, 74.
38. See Chapter 4, pp. 92–3.
39. See L. Cochrane, Adelard of Bath: The First English Scientist, London, 1994, pp. 32–40. It is hard to pin down the chronology of Adelard's travels, but his reference to the earthquake of 1114, which he experienced in Mamistra, suggests he was in Syria at about this time.
40. Hugh Eteriano, Contra Patarenos, ed., tr. and introd. J. Hamilton, S. Hamilton and B. Hamilton, Leiden, 2004, pp. 129–30. See K. Ciggaar, ‘Manuscripts as Intermediaries: The Crusader States and Literary Cross-Fertilization’, in East and West in the Crusader States: Context – Contacts – Confrontations. Acta of the Congress Held at Hernen Castle in May 1993, ed. K. Ciggaar, A. Davids and H. Teule, Louvain, 1996, pp. 133–7.
41. Hiestand, ‘Un centre intellectuel’, 19–36, and P.C. Boeren, Rorgo Fretellus de Nazareth et sa description de la Terre Sainte: Histoire et édition du texte, Amsterdam, 1980.
42. See Hamilton, ‘Aimery of Limoges’, 278.
43. Kinnamos, 3.14, pp. 97–8. Nor was Constance, who, ‘because he was aged, regarded him with displeasure’.
44. PL, vol. 155, pp. 1263–4. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 19, pp. 49–50.
45. WT, 18.23, p. 845.
46. WT, 18.1, p. 809; Kinnamos, 4.18, pp. 138–9.
47. See R.W. Edwards, ‘Baras and Armenian Cilicia: A Reassessment’, Revue des études arméniennes, 17 (1983), 415–35, and The Fortifications of Armenian Cilicia, Washington, DC, 1987, pp. 31–3, 102, 253, who found few signs of Armenian construction, and Claverie, ‘Les débuts de l'Ordre du Temple en Orient’, 558–9.
48. WT, 18.10, pp. 823–5. Tr. Babcock and Krey, pp. 253–4. Kinnamos, 4.17, pp. 136–7.
49. WT, 18.11, p. 825. Tr. Babcock and Krey, p. 255.
50. WT, 17.24, pp. 793–4.
51. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 327.
52. WT, 18.11, pp. 825–6.
53. WT, 18.12–14, pp. 826–32; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 333–7.
54. RHG, vol. 15, no. 34, pp. 681–2. Letter of the pope to Samson, archbishop of Reims, and his suffragans (13 November 1157).
55. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 337.
56. WT, 18.15, pp. 832–3.
57. Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 338–40. Earthquakes had been felt since the previous September: pp. 326, 328–9.
58. WT, 18.17, p. 835; Ibn al-Qalanisi, pp. 341–2
.
59. WT, 18.18, pp. 836–7; Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 342, makes brief mention of this campaign, but attributes the Frankish retreat to the appearance of a host of Muslim fighters gathered to save the city. However, it seems unlikely that such an ad hoc force would have intimidated an army as strong as that of the Franks.
60. WT, 18.19, pp. 838–40, does not name the fortress, but says that it had formerly been under Reynald's control, implying that it had only been lost a short time before. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 344, identifies it as Harim.
61. WT, 18.14, p. 831. Tr. Babcock and Krey, pp. 261–2.
62. WT, 18.16, p. 834. Mayer, ‘Ein Deperditum’, 560, dates the embassy to before 4 October 1157.
63. Gregory the Priest, p. 272. This implies that Baldwin accepted the emperor's view of the Byzantine position in the north.
64. WT, 18.22, pp. 842–4.
65. See Hamilton, Latin Church, pp. 75–6.
66. This must have been an especially bitter occasion for Gerard of Nazareth, whose anti-Greek views were deeply entrenched. Andrew Jotischky speculates that, at this time, he might even have been replaced as bishop of Latakia by a Greek: see ‘The Frankish Encounter with the Greek Orthodox in the Crusader States: The Case of Gerard of Nazareth and Mary Magdalene’ in Tolerance and Intolerance: Social Conflict in the Age of the Crusades, ed. M. Gervers and J.M. Powell, Syracuse, NY, 2001, pp. 100–14, 168–72.
67. Gregory the Priest, p. 273.
68. Ibn al-Qalanisi, p. 355. Nevertheless, ransoms were paid. Among those released was Hugh of Ibelin, captured in 1157; WT, 18.24, p. 847. Early in 1160, he made a grant to the canons of the Holy Sepulchre in thanks for their help with his ransom, while John Gotman, captured at the same time, had been obliged to sell four casals to the Holy Sepulchre to raise the money for his release: Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 53, pp. 140–2, no. 88, pp. 201–3.
69. These events are covered by WT, 18, 23–5, pp. 844–9, and Kinnamos, 4.17–21, pp. 136–45. Both narratives tell essentially the same story with minor variations of detail, but with considerable differences in emphasis. As might be expected, Kinnamos is especially concerned to show the extent of the imperial triumph. Paul Magdalino argues that Manuel intended to carry through the campaign against Nur al-Din, but was prevented by news of a conspiracy in Constantinople: The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–80, Cambridge, 1993, p. 71.
70. See Harris, Byzantium and the Crusades, pp. 15–32, for the historical context of this imperial image-making.
71. See H. Möhring, Saladin: The Sultan and his Times, 1138–1193, tr. D.S. Bachrach, Baltimore, MD, 2008, pp. 20–2.
72. WT, 18.27–8, pp. 850–1, 18.30, pp. 854–5. For the dating of Reynald's capture, see B. Hamilton, ‘The Elephant of Christ: Reynald of Châtillon’, Studies in Church History, 15 (1978), pp. 98–9, n. 13.
73. Kinnamos, pp. 158–9. In contrast, one of the Byzantine envoys, Konstantinos Manasses, described Melisende as very beautiful, ‘whom I thought worthy of the emperor’: see W.J. Aerts, 'A Byzantine Traveller to One of the Crusader States’ in East and West in the Crusader States: Context – Contacts – Confrontations, Vol. 3, Acta of the Congress Held at Hernen Castle in September 2000, ed. K. Ciggaar and H. Teule, Louvain, 2003, pp. 184–5.
74. In fact, although William of Tyre says that the same envoys were found in Antioch, it seems that the Byzantines were actually conducting parallel negotiations, which would explain the delaying tactics: Aerts, ‘Byzantine Traveller’, p. 170.
75. WT, 18.31, pp. 856–7, 18.33, pp. 858–9. William does not identify which Byzantine lands were attacked.
76. Michael the Syrian, 18.10, p. 324. Bohemond III first appears in charters in 1163: RRH, no. 387, pp. 101–2, no. 388, p. 102.
77. See Hamilton, ‘Women in the Crusader States’, pp. 154–5.
78. WT, 18.19, p. 838.
79. See, for example, Baldwin III's 1159 grant of the casal of Casracos to the abbey of St Mary of Jehoshaphat at Melisende's request: Chartes de Terre Sainte provenant de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame de Josaphat, ed. F. Delaborde, Paris, 1880, nos 33 and 34, pp. 80–2; ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 248, pp. 455–7.
80. WT, 18.20, pp. 840–1; Eracles, vol. 1 (ii), p. 854, says that ces hautes dames, Melisende and Sibylla, went to great trouble to ensure that this appointment was made.
81. WT, 18.29, pp. 852–4. The chief supporter of Alexander was Peter, archbishop of Tyre, William's predecessor but one. See also Mayer, ‘Guillaume de Tyr à l'école’, 260–1.
82. Papsturkunden für Kirchen im Heiligen Lande, ed. R. Hiestand, Vorarbeiten zum Oriens Pontificus, 3, Göttingen, 1985, no. 83, pp. 225–6. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 20, pp. 50–1.
83. RRH, no. 356, p. 93.
84. WT, 18.27, pp. 850–1, 18.32, p. 858.
85. Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. E. Strelhke, Berlin, 1869, no. 3, pp. 3–5; ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 263, pp. 479–86. See Barber, ‘Philip of Nablus’ 68–71. Philip had held his fief directly from the queen.
86. Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae Domus Templi Hierosolymitani Magistri, p. 80; Hamilton, ‘Women in the Crusader States’ p. 158, n. 80.
87. ‘Le livre des assises by John of Jaffa’, XIII, pp. 118, 196. However, this figure may be misleading, in that key fortresses in exposed positions would need to be adequately garrisoned at all times, even when the king summoned the host. The lord of Transjordan must therefore have had additional military resources.
88. Mayer, ‘Queen Melisende’, pp. 179–80.
89. WT, 18.34, pp. 859–60. William says cum dissinteria.
90. See D.M. Metcalf, ‘Describe the Currency of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, J. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand, Aldershot, 1997, pp. 192–3. He dates the recoining to the 1140s, but the period of Baldwin's sole rule in the 1150s seems more likely.
91. See P.W. Edbury, ‘The Baronial Coinage of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’ in Coinage in the Latin East, ed. P.W. Edbury and D.M. Metcalf, Oxford, 1980, p. 66. As Edbury points out, it was not usual to legislate against a hypothetical situation, so it is likely that there was some baronial coinage in circulation. Thereafter, there is little evidence of such coinage in the kingdom before 1187, except for some issues of Reynald of Sidon in the mid-1180s.
92. See B. Hamilton, ‘Rebuilding Zion: The Holy Places of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century’, in Studies in Church History, 14 (1977), pp. 105–16, and ‘The Impact of Crusader Jerusalem on Western Christendom’, Catholic Historical Review, 80 (1994), 695–713.
93. However, see Chapter 2, pp. 44–5, for Jewish residents, and B.Z. Kedar, ‘A Twelfth-Century Description of the Jerusalem Hospital’, in The Military Orders, vol. 2, Welfare and Warfare, ed. H. Nicholson, Aldershot, 1998, pp. 6–7, for admissions by the Hospitallers of both Jews and Muslims to their facilities.
94. See J.C. Russell, Medieval Regions and their Cities, Newton Abbot, 1972, pp. 200–7. For a contrary view, see D. Pringle, ‘Crusader Jerusalem’, Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society, 10 (1990–1), 106, who suggests 20,000–30,000.
95. See Nader, Burgesses, pp. 74–6.
96. Pringle, ‘Crusader Jerusalem’, 108.
97. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 156. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 228–9, 542.
98. Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and its Art Treasures, ed. and tr. E. Panofsky, 2nd edn, G. Panofsky-Soergel, Princeton, NJ, 1979, pp. 111–21.
99. WT, 8.3, p. 386.
100. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 177–229, and Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 21–3, 38–58.
101. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 151. Tr. JP, pp. 281–2.
102. WT, 18.3, p. 812.
103. See A. Borg, ‘Observations on the Historiated Lintel of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 32 (1969), 25–40, and M. Lindner, ‘Topography and Iconography in Twelfth-Century Jerusalem’, in The Horns of Hattin, ed. B.Z. Kedar, London, 1992
, pp. 81–98. Lindner, p. 96, also points out the ‘common stewardship of the Augustinian canons’ of the sites illustrated.
104. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 225–7, and Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, pp. 29, 54–5.
105. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 146. See A.J. Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades: Society, Landscape and Art in the Holy City under Frankish Rule, London, 2001, pp. 73–82, 167; Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, no. 329, p. 217; and R. Ellenblum, ‘Frankish Castles, Muslim Castles, and the Medieval Citadel of Jerusalem’, in In Laudem Hierosolymitani: Studies in Crusades and Medieval Culture in Honour of Benjamin Z. Kedar, ed. I. Shagrir, R. Ellenblum and J. Riley-Smith, Aldershot, 2007, pp. 93–109.
106. Kedar, ‘A Twelfth-Century Description of the Jerusalem Hospital’, pp. 8, 19, 24.
107. Peregrinationes Tres, pp. 131, 157–8.
108. See C. Schick, ‘The Muristan, or the Site of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem’, Palestine Exploration Fund: Quarterly Statement (1902), 50.
109. See D. Pringle, ‘The Layout of the Jerusalem Hospital in the Twelfth Century: Further Thoughts and Suggestions’, in The Military Orders, vol. 4, On Land and Sea, ed. J. Upton-Ward, Aldershot, 2008, pp. 91–110.
110. WT, 18.3, pp. 812–14. In the spring of 1155, Patriarch Fulcher and several bishops travelled to Italy to present their case against the order to the pope but, according to William of Tyre, 18.6–8, pp. 817–21, they were unsuccessful because of Hospitaller bribery.
111. See Schick, ‘Muristan’, 42–56, including plan. In addition, the two abbey churches of St Mary Major and St Mary Latin stood on the site, housing communities of Benedictine nuns and monks respectively. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, no. 334, pp. 236–53, no. 335, pp. 253–61.
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