112. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 97–100, and colour plates 3 and 4.
113. Ernoul-Bernard, p. 193. See Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades, pp. 197–8.
114. Peregrinationes Tres, pp. 134, 164–5. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, nos 368–9, pp. 417–34, and A.J. Boas, Archaeology of the Military Orders: A Survey of the Urban Centres, Rural Settlement and Castles of the Military Orders in the Latin East (c.1120–1291), London, 2006, pp. 19–28. Boas thinks that there were two cloisters east and west of the al-Aqsa, but that the new church was laid out on the eastern side. This does not tally with Theoderic's description, which places both the palace and the church on the western side. It is not clear if it was ever finished, but whatever its condition it was entirely dismantled after Saladin took over Jerusalem in 1187.
115. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 441–56, 595, who believes that it was created specifically for the Templar building campaign in the mid-twelfth century, and Z. Jacoby, ‘The Workshop of the Temple Area in Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century: Its Origin, Evolution and Impact’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 45 (1982), 325–94, who thinks it catered for a wider range of commissions.
116. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 3, no. 332, pp. 222–8, and J. Riley-Smith, ‘The Death and Burial of Latin Christian Pilgrims to Jerusalem and Acre, 1099–1291’, Crusades, 7 (2008), 171–4.
117. Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 58, pp. 149–50.
118. RHG, vol. 16, no. 492, p. 168. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 37, p. 71.
119. Raymond of Aguilers, p. 139.
120. Kedar, ‘Gerard of Nazareth’, 72; Cart., vol. 1, no. 858, p. 531.
121. Peregrinationes Tres, p. 145; JP, p. 276.
122. Kedar, ‘Gerard of Nazareth’, p. 72.
123. Ernoul-Bernard, pp. 189–210, which contains a description of the city probably written after the Christian recovery in 1229. See Boas, Jerusalem in the Time of the Crusades, pp. 142, 165–7.
124. See D. Pringle, ‘Templar Castles on the Road to the Jordan’, in The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick, ed. M. Barber, Aldershot, 1994, pp. 148–66, and ‘Templar Castles between Jaffa and Jerusalem’, in The Military Orders. vol. 2, Welfare and Warfare, ed. H. Nicholson, Aldershot, 1998, pp. 89–109.
125. The standard products listed on the Templar estates dependent on the Holy Sepulchre in the early 1160s are wine, oil, wheat, rye, barley, oats, beans, chickpeas, lentils, sesame, rice and millet: Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 64, p. 159. See Fulcher of Chartres's comments, 2.5, pp. 378–9, on the taste of dates, which he had never encountered before. For a concise overview, see Richard, ‘Agricultural Conditions in the Crusader States’, pp. 251–66.
126. See J. Prawer, ‘Colonization Activities in the Latin Kingdom’, in Crusader Institutions, Oxford, 1980, pp. 126–35; Pringle, ‘Magna Mahumeria’, 147–68; Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement, pp. 82–4; A.J. Boas, Crusader Archaeology: The Material Culture of the Latin East, London, 1999, pp. 63–5; Nader, Burgesses, p. 188.
127. See Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement, pp. 86–94.
128. See Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement, pp. 205–8, for flour mills, and A. Peled, ‘The Local Sugar Industry in the Latin Kingdom’, in Knights of the Holy Land: The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, ed. S. Rozenberg, Jerusalem, 1999, pp. 251–7. AA, 5.38, pp. 388–9, refers to sugar processing, and WT, 13.3, p. 589, says that it was exported all over the world. See Jacoby, ‘Economic Function of the Crusader States’, pp. 163–4, 170–2.
129. See R.P. Harper and D. Pringle, Belmont Castle: The Excavation of a Crusader Stronghold in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, British Academy Monographs in Archaeology, 10, Oxford, 2000.
130. See D. Pringle, ‘Aqua Bella: The Interpretation of a Crusader Courtyard Building’, in The Horns of Hattin, ed. B.Z. Kedar, London, 1992, pp. 147–67, and Pringle, Churches, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 7–17.
131. See Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement, pp. 181–5.
132. See Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement, pp. 213–87, for the spatial distribution.
133. See J. Riley-Smith, ‘Some Lesser Officials in Latin Syria’, English Historical Review, 87 (1972), 1–26.
134. See H.E. Mayer, ‘Latins, Muslims and Greeks in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, History, 63 (1978), 179–87; P.L. Sidelko, ‘Muslim Taxation under Crusader Rule’, in Tolerance and Intolerance: Social Conflict in the Age of the Crusades, ed. M. Gervers and J.M. Powell, Syracuse, NY, 2001, pp. 65–74, 156–60; D.E.P. Jackson, ‘Some Considerations Relating to the History of the Muslims in the Crusader States’, in East and West in the Crusader States. Context – Contacts – Confrontations. Acta of the Congress Held at Hernen Castle in May 1993, ed. K. Ciggaar, A. Davids and H. Teule, Louvain, 1996, pp. 21–9.
10 King Amalric
1. William of Tyre, 18.22, pp. 843–4, says the marriage was happy and that Baldwin gave up his previous frivolous conduct. See J. B. Post, ‘Age at Menopause and Menarche: Some Medieval Authorities’, Population Studies, 25 (1971), 83–7, where it is suggested that the age of menarche was equivalent to that of the mid-twentieth-century, i.e. 12 to 14 years. Theodora later had two children by Andronicus Comnenus, cousin of the Byzantine emperor, Manuel. See Hamilton, ‘Women in the Crusader States’, pp. 161–2, for her later life. She died before 1182.
2. Ernoul-Bernard, p. 16. It should be emphasised, however, that the whole text does not necessarily emanate from Ernoul. There are few references to the Ibelins after 1187. See J. Gillingham, ‘Roger of Howden on Crusade’, in Richard Coeur de Lion: Kingship, Chivalry and War in the Twelfth Century, London and Rio Grande, 1994, p. 147, n. 33.
3. WT, 19.1, p. 864.
4. RHG, vol. 16, no. 121, p. 36. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 22, pp. 52–3. He uses the phrase sine omni impedimento. The date of 1164 given in RHG is most unlikely given the nature of the news.
5. See Chapter 8, pp. 193–5.
6. See Hamilton, Leper King, p. 24.
7. Robert of Torigni, p. 194, for the year. However, while Robert had access to good information, the rubrics in his chronicle were inserted by members of his staff and are not always reliable, so it would be unwise to build an argument based on the dating. Agnes, in fact, does not appear on any charters in the kingdom until the mid-1160s: Cart., vol. 1, no. 328, p. 232 (1164–8), vol. 1, no. 371, pp. 254–5 (1167).
8. WT, 18.29, p. 854.
9. WT, 19.4, pp. 868–70. Tr. Babcock and Krey, pp. 300–1. The words used by William make it clear that compulsion was involved: uxorem suam … coactus est abiuare. According to Eracles, 23.3, p. 5, Amalric sent an embassy to Rome, apparently to ensure papal confirmation. See H.E. Mayer, ‘The Beginnings of King Amalric of Jerusalem’, in The Horns of Hattin, ed. B. Z. Kedar, London, 1992, pp. 132–4.
10. B. Hamilton, ‘The Titular Nobility of the Latin East: the Case of Agnes of Courtenay’, in Crusade and Settlement, ed. P.W. Edbury, Cardiff, 1985, pp. 197–203. See also J. Richard, Le royaume latin de Jérusalem, Paris, 1953, p. 77.
11. See Chapter 8, p. 176.
12. Mayer, ‘Beginnings of King Amalric’, pp. 125–6.
13. WT, 19.4, p. 869, 19.2, p. 866.
14. Hamilton, Leper King, p. 25. Fulcher did not die until 20 November 1157, which leaves only a brief period in which Amalric and Agnes could have married if the event really did take place in 1157. In any case, it seems unlikely that Aimery of Limoges, the senior cleric in Jerusalem at this time, would have been any more accommodating than Fulcher. Neither man bears much resemblance to Arnulf of Chocques.
15. Edbury, John of Ibelin, pp. 6–8. Hugh of Ibelin is described as recently released in late 1158 or early 1159; WT, 18.24, p. 847.
16. Ernoul-Bernard, p. 17. Car telle n'est que roine doine iestre, de si haute cité comme de Jherusalem. See Hamilton, ‘Women in the Crusader States’, p. 160.
17. Hiestand, ‘Some Reflections on the Impact of the Papacy’, p. 11, says that the
legate acted against the wishes of the barons, but provides no evidence for this assertion.
18. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 174–7.
19. WT, 19.12, pp. 881–2, 20.1, p. 913, 20.4, pp. 915–17, 21.1, p. 961. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 177–84. In 1962, Robert Huygens discovered the lost ‘autobiographical’ chapter from William's chronicle, from which his career up to 1165 can be put together. See R.B.C. Huygens, ‘Guillaume de Tyr étudiant: Un chapitre (XIX.12) de son “Histoire” retrouvé’, Latomus, 21 (1962), 811–28. Edbury and Rowe, William of Tyre, pp. 13–17, 23–5, make it clear that William was not writing directly at the royal command, nor producing an official history either of Amalric's reign or of the kingdom as a whole.
20. WT, 19.2–3, pp. 846–8.
21. See Riley-Smith, Feudal Nobility, pp. 62–98, and Nader, Burgesses, pp. 158–61, for the context of these courts. The Court of the Fonde collected market taxes as well as hearing intercommunal commercial cases. The Court of the Chain derived its name from the chain across the harbour entrance used to close the port in times of danger. It functioned as a maritime court and was responsible for the operation of the port, including customs.
22. See Richard, Crusades, p. 92.
23. J. Prawer, ‘The Nobility and the Feudal Regime in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in Lordship and Community in Medieval Europe: Selected Readings, ed. F.L. Cheyette, New York, 1968, pp. 162–3, 167–8. However, none of the twelfth-century assises can be dated with certainty.
24. See Riley-Smith, Feudal Nobility, p. 38.
25. See ULKJ, vol. 1, pp. 59–64.
26. Philip of Novara, Le Livre de forme de plait, ed. and tr. P. Edbury, Nicosia, 2009, cap. 47, pp. 118–20, 259–61. ‘We only know the assises by hearsay and usage.’
27. John of Ibelin, Livre de Jean d'Ibelin, RHCr, Lois, vol. 1, cap. 140, pp. 214–15, cap. 199, pp. 319–20; Philip of Novara, cap. 49, pp. 123–7, 261–3. Nader, Burgesses, p. 130, points out that this was already the existing practice for burgesses, as can be seen in the charter for Magna Mahumeria of c.1155: Cartulaire du Saint-Sépulcre, no. 117, p. 240.
28. See J. Richard, ‘Pairie d'Orient latin: les quatre baronies des royaumes de Jérusalem et de Chypre’, Revue historique de droit français et étranger, series 4, 28 (1950), 76–7; Riley-Smith, Crusades, pp. 99–100. See also Richard, Crusades, pp. 92–3, Riley-Smith, Feudal Nobility, pp. 34–6, and Hamilton, Leper King, p. 60.
29. Prawer, ‘Nobility and the Feudal Regime’, pp. 168–74.
30. WT, 23.1, pp. 1062–4. See Richard, ‘Prairie d'Orient latin’, 77. See also G. Loud, ‘The Assise sur la Ligece and Ralph of Tiberias’, in Crusade and Settlement, ed. P.W. Edbury, Cardiff, 1985, p. 205. The issue of the assise might be seen, at least in part, as an attempt to prevent a repeat of the kind of confrontation which the kingdom had just experienced.
31. Michael the Syrian, 18.8, p. 318. Michael's account is not entirely trustworthy. He says that this man was captured and burnt to death but, in fact, Gerard did not die until c.1171. However, at this time Reynald of Châtillon was the ruler of Antioch and, given his own propensities, it would not have been surprising to find him giving refuge to Gerard of Sidon.
32. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 130–1.
33. ULKJ, vol. 1, no. 254, pp. 462–4. See Richard, ‘Prairie d'Orient latin’, 76. It seems probable that Gerard had escaped the ambush and had taken refuge in Belhacem.
34. WT, 14.19, p. 656, 17.1, p. 761, 17.21, p. 790, 17.23, p. 792, 17.25, p. 795. See J.L. La Monte, ‘The Lords of Sidon in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, Byzantion, 17 (1944–5), 188–90.
35. WT, 19.4, p. 870. For the interpretation of William, see R. Hiestand, ‘Die Herren von Sidon und die Thronfolgekrise des Jahres 1163 im Königreich Jerusalem’, in Montjoie: Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. B.Z. Kedar, J. Riley-Smith and R. Hiestand, Aldershot, 1997, pp. 77–90.
36. WT, 19.5, p. 870.
37. WT, 19.2, pp. 865–6.
38. WT, 19.5, pp. 870–2.
39. RHG, vol. 16, no. 194, p. 60.
40. WT, 19.5, p. 871.
41. WT, 21.13(14)–18(19), pp. 979–87.
42. Abu Shama, Le livre des deux jardins, in RHCr, Orient., vol. 4, Paris, 1898, p. 125.
43. WT, 19.11, pp. 877–8.
44. WT, 19.9, pp. 874–5; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 146–8; RHG, vol. 16, no. 195, pp. 60–1, which is a letter of Geoffrey Fulcher, preceptor of the Temple, written in September, giving the figures for the army.
45. WT, 19.8, pp. 873–4.
46. See Dussaud, Topographie, pp. 171–2, for the position of Harim, and Cart., vol. 1, no. 404, p. 280, for the patriarch's description.
47. WT, 18.12, pp. 826–7; Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 148–50.
48. RHG, vol. 16, no. 244, pp. 79–80, no. 243, p. 79; WT, 19.10, p. 877. The claim that Banyas was betrayed was known in the West, since it was retold by the Augustinian William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum, in Chronicles and Memorials of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, vol. 1, ed. R. Howlett, RS 82, London, 1884, 2.23, p. 156. He obtained his information from a participant in Amalric's campaigns of 1164 and 1167.
49. WT, 19.10, p. 876.
50. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 147.
51. WT, 19.11, pp. 877–8.
52. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 148.
53. WT, 16.29, p. 757. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 2, p. 182.
54. Elisséeff, Nr ad-Dn, vol. 2, p. 563, argues that, in fact, Nur al-Din's successes obliged the Franks to turn to Egypt, since they had no hope of further conquests in Syria.
55. RHG, vol. 16, no. 197, pp. 62–3.
56. RHG, vol. 16, no. 244, pp. 79–80. Tr. Barber and Bate, Letters from the East, no. 31, p. 61. See also RHG, no. 123, p. 38, no. 125, p. 39, no. 245, pp. 80–1.
57. See WT, 17.22, p. 792.
58. See Holt, Age of the Crusades, p. 130.
59. See M.C. Lyons and D.E.P. Jackson, Saladin: The Politics of the Holy War, Cambridge, 1982, pp. 26, 34–9.
60. WT, 19.27, pp. 902–3. See Jacoby, ‘Economic Function of the Crusader States’, pp. 165–7.
61. See Mayer, ‘Sankt Samuel’, 59–60, 63–5.
62. See J. Phillips, Defenders of the Holy Land: Relations between the Latin East and the West, 1119–1187, Oxford, 1996, pp. 141–9.
63. Kinnamos, 5.13, p. 179.
64. Michael the Syrian, vol. 3, 18.11, p. 326. See Hamilton, ‘Aimery of Limoges’, 275–6, and ‘Three Patriarchs of Antioch, 1165–70’, in Dei gesta per Francos: Etudes sur les croisades dédiées à Jean Richard, ed. M. Balard, B.Z. Kedar and J. Riley-Smith, Aldershot, 2001, pp. 199–201.
65. WT, 20.1, p. 913. See Magdalino, Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, pp. 72–4.
66. WT, 19.13, pp. 882–3.
67. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, p. 163.
68. WT, 19.14, p. 883, 19.16, p. 885.
69. William devotes nineteen chapters of Book 19 to the subject; 19.13–32, pp. 882–909.
70. WT, 19.18, p. 887, 19.19, p. 889, 19.20, p. 889, 19.30, p. 906, for references to his information from participants, and 19.17, pp. 886–7, for his character sketch of Hugh of Caesarea. The last charter reference to Hugh is in 1168; ULKJ, vol. 2, no. 327, p. 568. For Hugh's family, see J.L. La Monte, ‘The Lords of Caesarea in the Period of the Crusades’, Speculum, 22 (1947), 145–61.
71. WT, 19.23, pp. 895–6.
72. WT, 19.18, p. 887. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 2, p. 319.
73. In the third century, Solinus collected together elements of Pliny's Natural History.
74. WT, 19.19, p. 889. Tr. Babcock and Krey, vol. 2, p. 321.
75. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 163–4. Mamluks were originally slaves who came from Central Asia. They were trained for military service and often obtained positions of importance in Islamic armies.
76. Among those who were wounded was the chancellor, Ralph, bishop of Bethlehem, who also lost all his baggage: WT, 19.25, p. 899. It is not clear if Ra
lph actually took part in the fighting, but it does show that the king thought it necessary to bring his chancellor with him, perhaps because, if he had been successful, Amalric would have issued charters to those who would have been established in the new conquests.
77. On 18 May 1168, Amalric made grants to the commune of Pisa in Acre in return for services rendered in the siege of Alexandria: ULKJ, vol. 2, no. 327, pp. 564–8. It is not clear if the ships to which William refers were in fact Pisan, or whether they were in addition to the fleet from the kingdom of Jerusalem. See Rogers, Latin Siege Warfare, pp. 83–4.
78. Ibn al-Athir, part 2, pp. 164–5. See Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, pp. 16–19.
79. WT, 20.4, pp. 915–17. William says they arrived during the same summer, but he places his account after the marriage. Moreover, the king did not return from Egypt until 21 August.
80. See Mayer, ‘Das Pontifikale von Tyrus’, 174–6, 234.
81. See Pringle, Churches, vol. 1, no. 61, pp. 137–56.
82. See G. Kühnel, Wall Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, Berlin, 1988, pp. 15–22, who characterises this type of iconography as a ‘maternal genre scene’.
83. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 91–7, and colour plates 1 and 2.
84. See Kühnel, Wall Painting, p. 6.
85. See Folda, Art of the Crusaders, pp. 163–5, 364–71. In contrast, Gustave Kühnel believes that, with the exception of the painting of 1130, there was an overall plan from the 1150s onwards: Wall Painting, pp. 1–147
86. See L.-A. Hunt, ‘Art and Colonialism: The Mosaics of the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (1169) and the Problem of “Crusader” Art’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 45 (1991), 69–85. The Orthodox community maintained an active artistic and intellectual life in the kingdom in the twelfth century: see Pahlitzsch, Graeci und Suriani, pp. 201, 206–9.
87. See Mayer, Die Kanzlei, vol. 1, pp. 137–9.
88. See A. Jotischky, ‘Manuel Comnenus and the Reunion of the Churches: The Evidence of the Conciliar Mosaics in the Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem’, Levant, 26 (1994), 207–23, and MacEvitt, Crusades and the Christian World of the East, pp. 112–18.
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