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Patient Zero and the Making of the AIDS Epidemic

Page 18

by Richard A. McKay


  patched to New York City the next day to gather more information.

  They interviewed a number of private and hospital physicians, includ-

  ing Friedman- Kien, and were able to establish, based on cancer registry

  and hospital records, that a real increase in the number of KS patients

  seemed to be occurring in New York City. Their report also indicated

  an early estimate of illness duration: “The median duration of illness

  from time of presentation for those who died was 15 months (mean

  13 months); for patients living the median duration was 10 months (mean

  12 months).”67 This information would prove important in infl uencing in-

  vestigators’ ongoing conceptions of the syndrome, as it would shape sub-

  sequent estimates of disease duration and later suggest a shorter incuba-

  tion period (as opposed to one lasting several years).68

  The task force decided that its fi rst major effort was to be a case con-

  trol study, to gather more information on what was different about the

  cases of the apparently new syndrome. In meetings and correspondence

  in July and August 1981, members debated how best to set a case defi ni-

  tion, select cases, and undertake the more challenging aspect of choos-

  ing appropriately matched controls. They also attempted to make sense

  of the preliminary data they had gathered in early case interviews un-

  Papers, Miami (hereafter cited as Darrow Papers). There was some evidentiary basis for

  such speculation, given the knowledge that some infectious agents (for instance, anthrax)

  produced different host responses depending on the inoculation route; see Wilhelm S. Al-

  brink et al . , “Human Inhalation Anthrax: A Report of Three Fatal Cases,” American

  Journal of Pathology 36, no. 4 (1960): 457– 71. At the same time, the researchers’ guess-

  work was suggestive of the lack of knowledge about and antipathy toward homosexual

  practices that characterized many parts of the medical and scientifi c establishment in the

  early 1980s and before.

  67. James W. Curran and Dennis D. Juranek, “Trip Report— Kaposi’s Sarcoma in New

  York City,” memo, June 17, 1981, pp. 1– 3, folder: AIDS Task Force: 1981, Darrow Papers.

  68. Since KS presents after a lengthy subclinical period of HIV infection and the pres-

  ence of a separate herpes virus, the “faster” course of the illness is thought to have been

  due to the fact that the immune defi ciency was recognized at a relatively late stage. Some

  clinicians, though, were of the opinion that the patients falling ill in the late 1970s and

  early 1980s had a more virulent form of HIV infection, which killed patients more swiftly.

  See, for example, Reminiscences of Dan William, 1996, pp. 77– 79, Physicians and AIDS

  Oral History Project, Columbia Center for Oral History Archives (CCOHA), Columbia

  University in the City of New York.

  The Cluster Study 101

  dertaken since June. They decided that the “likely strong association

  of these disorders with active homosexual men” was most suggestive of

  “environmental and/or behavioral factors as the primary cause(s).” They

  acknowledged that genetic factors might play a role in “determining sus-

  ceptibility among homosexual men,” but those factors were unlikely to

  provide an explanation for the noted increase in cases or for the concen-

  tration of the disorders in this population group.69

  The clues guiding the construction of the case control study, gathered

  in the early interviews, noted the concentration of cases in New York City

  and California (“Undoubtedly there is a bias in reporting, but what hy-

  potheses would this geographic concentration suggest if it is real?”). Also

  of note was a larger number of sexual partners than expected from com-

  parison with other data such as the Jay– Young set (which Darrow had

  provided), a frequent use of nitrite inhalants, the overt nature of their ho-

  mosexuality (“These men are not ‘new’ to the homosexual lifestyle, nor

  do they seem to currently lead ‘dual’ lives”), and a high level of education

  (“They do not seem to be lower SES [socioeconomic status]”). The group

  members were puzzled by reports of related cases (“What about the re-

  port of 3 cases of PCP in a family?”) and what such relationships might

  suggest about an incubation period. They also discussed cases occurring

  in women and heterosexual men (“Why no KS? (or only one case)”), and

  PCP occurring in “drug addicts.”70 Based on these clues and the questions

  they raised, the task force settled on the following working hypotheses:

  1. An environmental agent (microbial or chemical) is causing lasting immu-

  nosuppression among homosexual men. As an intermediate variable, im-

  munosuppression is rendering some of these men susceptible to OI’s and

  allowing the expression of KS.

  69. James W. Curran, “Case Control Study Issues and Hypotheses,” memo and attach-

  ment, August 11, 1981, p. 1 of attachment, folder: AIDS Task Force: 1981, Darrow Papers;

  emphasis in original.

  70. Ibid., pp. 1– 2 of attachment; emphases in original. The scientifi c and medical re-

  search communities would later face criticism for their delay in incorporating the fi rst fe-

  male and injecting drug user cases into their initial response to AIDS, which focused pri-

  marily on homosexual men; see, for example, Treichler, “AIDS, Gender, and Biomedical

  Discourse,” 190– 266; Gerald M. Oppenheimer, “Causes, Cases, and Cohorts: The Role

  of Epidemiology in the Historical Construction of AIDS,” in AIDS: The Making of a

  Chronic Disease, edited by Elizabeth Fee and Daniel M. Fox, 49– 76 (Berkeley: University

  of California Press, 1992).

  102

  chapter 2

  2. Repeated CMV infection or reactivation is occurring resulting in immu-

  nosuppression, etc. This “continuous antigenic stimulation” may lead to

  an increased synthesis of defective viruses. These defective viruses may

  be oncogenic in certain individuals.

  3. A heavy total body infection burden is exhausting the individual’s ability

  to respond, resulting in immunosuppression, etc.71

  While initially task force members explored a number of hypotheses

  of causation— in particular, the recreational drug use of nitrite inhalants,

  commonly known as “poppers,” by gay men— they became more con-

  vinced that an infectious disease was causing the immune suppression

  that underlay the Karposi’s sarcoma and opportunistic infections. This

  view was underscored by an early analysis of the case control study data

  in late December 1981, which indicated that “the number of lifetime

  [male] sex partners appears to be an important risk factor.”72 Neverthe-

  less, they needed strong evidence to demonstrate this infectious disease

  hypothesis, particularly since research published by scientists at the Na-

  tional Institutes of Health in mid- February 1982 suggested that other re-

  searchers were moving away from a sexually transmitted disease (STD)

  etiology and back toward the use of nitrites.73 As Darrow recalled in an

  interview:

  And so when we suggested to them and other scientists that we think it’s sexu-

  ally transmitted,
they said, “That’s because [ in mocking tone] you guys are all

  in the Venereal Disease Program, you think that everything is sexually trans-

  mitted including sunburn.” You know, so they thought that we were speaking

  from a certain point of view or bias, and that we didn’t have any credible evi-

  dence along those lines, so we had to be very cautious and careful about mak-

  ing recommendations about sexual behaviour.74

  71. Curran, “Study Issues and Hypotheses,” p. 3 of attachment.

  72. James W. Curran, “Briefi ng, Task Force on Kaposi’s Sarcoma and Opportunistic

  Infections,” memo, December 30, 1981, folder: AIDS Task Force: 1981, Darrow Papers.

  On the archival copy of the document, male is inserted in handwriting, likely as a correc-

  tion by Darrow. This same briefi ng makes note of an initial report of a dermatologist in

  Port- au- Prince, Haiti, treating eleven young men with KS, foreshadowing the later appear-

  ance of Haitians as one of the “risk groups” for AIDS.

  73. James J. Goedert et al., “Amyl Nitrite May Alter T Lymphocytes in Homosexual

  Men,” Lancet 319, no. 8269 (1982): 412– 16.

  74. Darrow, recording C1491/21, tape 1, side B.

  The Cluster Study 103

  Although the bulk of the attention on sexual transmission focused on

  gay men, heterosexual cases accounted for more than 10 percent of the

  cases by January 1982.75 While investigators primarily focused on the in-

  jection drug use that was widespread among these cases, several indi-

  viduals had traveled substantially and reported a large number of sexual

  partners. For example, one early case reported to the CDC was a hetero-

  sexual Haitian man under the age of fi fty who had come down with PCP

  in early 1981. Beginning in the late 1960s, he had lived for nearly a de-

  cade on the East Coast of the United States, returning occasionally for

  visits to Haiti, and reported more than forty lifetime female sexual part-

  ners. He had also traveled to Europe in the mid- 1970s, and he disclosed

  intravenous (IV) heroin use during 1980 and 1981.76 Cases like this in-

  dividual, as well as others which doubtlessly escaped the CDC’s retro-

  spective surveillance efforts, suggest the implausibility of later attempts

  to pin the emergence of AIDS in North America to a single, identifi -

  able “Patient Zero.” They also illustrate the point made by the sociol-

  ogist Steven Epstein, who suggested the possibility that the infectious

  agent spread simultaneously among IV drug users and among men who

  had sex with men but was fi rst recognized in the latter group because it

  spread more quickly and widely within it and because the fi rst such case

  subjects were middle- class men with better access to health care.77

  In February 1982, EIS offi cer and task force member Harry Haverkos

  wrote a memo emphasizing the need to interview surviving case subjects

  from outside New York City, San Francisco, and Los Angeles, to access

  further “epidemiologic clues”:

  75. “Kaposi’s Sarcoma and Opportunistic Infections in Heterosexuals,” memo, Harold

  Jaffe to James Curran, 22 January 1982, folder: AIDS Task Force: 1982, Darrow Papers.

  76. “Summary of Interview Data from Heterosexual Cases of Kaposi’s Sarcoma and

  Pneumocystis Pneumonia,” attachment to memo from Mary Guinan to James Curran,

  4 January 1982, folder: AIDS Task Force: 1982, Darrow Papers.

  77. Epstein, Impure Science, 49– 50; Don C. Des Jarlais et al . , “HIV- 1 Infection among Intravenous Drug Users in Manhattan, New York City, from 1977 through 1987,” Journal

  of the American Medical Association 261, no. 7 (1989): 1008– 12. James Curran’s comments

  at the NCAB meeting in December 1982 reinforce the likelihood of this point: “They’re

  not diffi cult to recognize syndromes, they’re 35 years old, prosperous, previously healthy

  men who come in looking like they’re going to die, spend the next six or seven months in

  hospital, run up a hospital bill of $100,000 to $150,000 and then die. So it’s not something

  that’s missed, each case is a grand rounds case in its individual hospital”; “NCAB Meet-

  ing,” 17.

  104

  chapter 2

  A theory of a point source in New York City could be strengthened by show-

  ing that all cases have some connection with the “Big Apple.” Could it be one

  place, i.e., one specifi c bathhouse, in New York City? Contact with New York

  City may help us to defi ne the incubation period of these diseases. Leads into

  the distinction between drugs and transmissible agents as the cause of the ep-

  idemic could be unearthed.78

  In an attachment to Haverkos’s memo, the individual identifi ed as Case 57

  — one of twenty- three living male case subjects with a residence outside

  of metropolitan New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco— is listed as

  a Canadian from Toronto with an early onset of KS in July 1978. Dar-

  row, who had until this time been closely involved with the case control

  study in the design of the questionnaire and the training of interviewers,

  circled this case for follow- up, as well as Case 154, a gay man in his early

  fi fties from a European country, whose onset of KS was listed as Janu-

  ary 1975.79

  On February 25, 1982, Darrow wrote to Polly Thomas, an EIS offi -

  cer at the New York Department of Public Health who was responsible

  for the city’s investigations into the new illness, requesting further infor-

  mation about some of the earliest cases in that city. “I am trying to put

  together the pieces of a jigsaw puzzle I found locked away in a cabinet

  at CDC,” he wrote, “and I fi nd many of the important pieces missing.”

  Darrow believed there to be “a geographic focus to the current outbreak

  of Kaposi’s sarcoma before 1980,” a hypothesis he attempted to disprove

  by revisiting the data about the earliest recorded cases.80 Shortly there-

  after he wrote a memo in which he examined the possibility of “the Hor-

  78. Harry W. Haverkos, “Cases Outside New York City, San Francisco, and Los Ange-

  les,” memo and attachment, February 8, 1982, p. 1, folder: AIDS Task Force: 1982, Darrow

  Papers; transmissible typed as “trsnsmissible” in original.

  79. Ibid., p. 1 of attachment. Case 154 was lost to subsequent follow- up when he re-

  turned to Europe shortly after his diagnosis with KS in July 1981. Due to this individual’s

  early symptom onset, Darrow wrote that “one could assume that this international travel-

  ler was a source of all subsequent infections seen in the U.S.”; Darrow, “Time- Space Clus-

  tering of KS Cases in the City of New York: Evidence for Horizontal Transmission of Some

  Mysterious Microbe,” memo, March 3, 1982, p. 2. The onset date for the individual identi-

  fi ed as Case 57 was later determined to be December 1979. In the task force documenta-

  tion, investigators often used the terms patient and case interchangeably, and they referred to individuals by both two- digit and three- digit identifi ers (for example, 57 and 057).

  80. William Darrow to Pauline A. Thomas, 25 February 1982, pp. 1– 2, folder: KSOI:

  Cases and Contacts in New York City: July 12– 16, August 4– 6, 1982, Darrow et al., Dar-

  The Cluster Study 105

  izontal Transmission of Som
e Mysterious Microbe” in New York City,

  Darrow found that “of those experiencing symptoms before 1980, all but

  one lived in the metropolitan New York City area and could be linked

  to Manhattan in one way or another.” While the possibility could not

  be dismissed, “no evidence for direct transmission is available. . . . We

  need more data.”81 Darrow suggested that some of the individuals in

  these cases needed to be interviewed or, as in the instance of Case 57,

  reinterviewed.82

  AIDS Project Number 6: The Los Angeles Cluster Study

  An unexpected opportunity to gather more data was presented in March

  1982 when David Auerbach, an EIS offi cer stationed in Los Angeles,

  contacted Atlanta to let the KS/OI Task Force team know that four men

  with KS/OI were in the same Los Angeles hospital and had apparently

  been one another’s sexual partners. To investigate the possibility that

  AIDS patients could be linked sexually, Darrow was dispatched to Los

  Angeles, and together he and Auerbach attempted to interview as many

  surviving KS/OI case subjects as possible. The Los Angeles cluster83 was

  one of two possible clusters that appeared at this time; the other— three

  cases of PCP among male prisoners in New York’s Taconic Prison— was

  also investigated, though CDC physicians were unable to establish any

  direct links in the latter case.84

  It was here that Darrow’s training was vitally useful. “I felt confi dent,”

  he recalled, “that I could talk to the people who were infected, make

  them feel comfortable, not embarrass them, assure them that I would

  row Papers. Thomas’s work on AIDS is featured in James Colgrove, Epidemic City: The

  Politics of Public Health in New York (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2011), 107– 41.

  81. William Darrow, “Time- Space Clustering of KS Cases in the City of New York:

  Evi dence for Horizontal Transmission of Some Mysterious Microbe,” memo, March 3,

  1982, pp. 1, 3, folder: KSOI: Cases and Contacts in New York City, Darrow Papers.

  82. Shilts explained in his history that task force member Mary Guinan had conducted

  the fi rst interview with the man known as Case 57. See Shilts, Band, 83– 84.

  83. The Los Angeles cluster study was also known within CDC as AIDS Project Num-

  ber 6: Harold Jaffe, “AIDS Project Codes,” memo, April 9, 1985, p. 2, folder: AIDS Task

 

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