The President

by Parker Hudson

  “Okay. Talk to you soon.”

  “Sarah, I... Never mind. See ya.”

  ATLANTA AND BOSTON—That night Rebecca called Bruce. He barely had said hello when she asked, “Bruce, how could you be there on that show after all that William did for you and your family?” She was clearly upset.

  “Hey, I tried to call you this afternoon to tell you about the interview, but they said I’d have to leave a message because you were teaching a class, and I didn’t want to do that.”

  “You haven’t answered my question.”

  “Well, I didn’t do anything, really. I just told them what happened at Christmas—just facts. What’s wrong with that?” His tone was defensive.

  “But William asked everyone there not to say anything,” Rebecca protested.

  “Hey, I waited until after he’d told the whole world. It really wasn’t news by that time.”

  “What he said at Camp David was—it was personal. How did they know to call you, anyway, especially there in Boston?”

  “I guess they just got lucky. That’s what reporters are paid for. That Sloane woman tracked me down from our interview together.”

  “Well, you sure helped make my brother look bad.”

  “Hey, I didn’t know how they were going to put all those shots together. I just told the truth about what actually happened. What’s wrong with that?”

  Rebecca calmed down a bit and thought for a moment. “I guess I feel like I’m responsible for bringing someone into the privacy of our family at Christmas who now has told the whole world all about William’s private thoughts. So I’m upset with you and upset with me, wondering what William and the others think of me—and you.”

  “I frankly don’t care what he thinks of me any more,” Bruce said, and knew he’d made a mistake as soon as the words left his lips.

  Her anger returning, Rebecca said, “That’s obvious, Bruce. But I do. He’s my brother! Look, I hope your mother is better, and I don’t wish you any problems. But I’ve got to think about all this, including our relationship. I’m too upset now to talk. So I’ll call you tomorrow.”

  She hung up the phone before he even had a chance to say good-bye.

  20

  Had the people, during the Revolution, had a suspicion of any attempt to war against Christianity, that Revolution would have been strangled in its cradle. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution and the amendments, the universal sentiment was that Christianity should be encouraged, not any one sect [denomination]. Any attempt to level and discard all religion would have been viewed with universal indignation.

  HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE REPORT

  MARCH 27, 185 4

  Friday, February 1

  Three Days Later

  ATLANTA—Late that Friday morning Eunice Porter and Sally Kramer entered the office borrowed by Dr. Harvey Thompson for meetings such as theirs. He rose and offered them the chairs in front of the desk.

  “How are you both today?” he asked, smiling.

  “I guess we’re fine,” Sally offered. “But we wanted to meet with you after what the president did the other day. I’m starting to show already, and Eunice may be pregnant, too, so we wanted to find out what you’re going to do.”

  The doctor’s smile broadened and he placed his elbows on his friend’s desk. “I don’t think we ought to do anything but just keep going as we’ve already agreed.”

  “But I heard some of the other girls at work saying the president has signed some law or something making full-term abortions illegal again,” Eunice emphasized. “I sure don’t want to be pregnant if we can’t do the same thing this time as last time.”

  “An executive order—he signed an executive order dealing with those hospitals and clinics taking federal funds, the same sort of thing he did a year ago to make it legal in the first place. But look, ladies, let’s not panic, especially since in both your cases we’ve already advanced money to you, which you’ll owe us if we don’t go ahead.” He raised his hand as they both began to interrupt.

  “Look, this can’t last. There are already several lawsuits about to be filed to overturn his latest order, since so many women are being denied their rights arbitrarily, and a coalition is forming to work with Congress to pass new laws if the courts or the state legislatures don’t move forward fast enough. Listen, you’re in good shape. Think about our other clients who are in their seventh or eighth month. We’re looking fast for solutions. So for now, just cool it and wait for us to get it fixed.”

  “But what if none of that works? Eunice and I don’t want to wind up with more kids!” said Sally.

  “If all else fails, you’ll still be taken care of. Maybe we can’t do the procedure here in the main hospital like before. Maybe not even in Atlanta. But I’ve got friends in other places, like New York, where things are not quite as tight. So worst case, we’ll send you up there and take care of our business.”

  “Who buys the ticket and pays for all that?” Eunice asked.

  “If it comes to it, we will, of course,” Dr. Thompson answered.

  The two women looked at each other. “Well, I guess it’s all right, then, at least for now,” Sally answered. “But we need to know what’s going on. I certainly don’t want any kids.”

  “I’ll give you a call whenever anything happens with either the courts or the Congress. Don’t worry. Just because the president has lost his mind doesn’t mean everyone else has to suffer. Trust the courts to do the right thing, like they always have.”

  “Well, thanks,” Eunice said, standing up. “I’ll let Sally know if I’m pregnant, which I should know real soon. She can pass on any news you’ve got. Oh, thanks again for that advance. It made my kids’ Christmas real special.”

  “Think nothing of it,” Dr. Thompson said, showing them toward the door, “We always like to help when we can, especially where children are concerned.”

  WASHINGTON—Leslie was again stationed at her familiar spot on the White House lawn, waiting for Ryan to switch live to her as part of the lead segment on that Friday’s evening news. Her network had kept up its steady coverage and inquiry into the changes in the president and his administration since the State of the Union address, including its scoop of the rest of the media with Bruce Tinsley’s eyewitness account of the president’s testimony at Camp David a month before. Like the rest of the Washington press corps, Leslie was having to move fast, as politicians of all types either embraced the president’s message, denounced it, or waited to see which way the wind was blowing back home. In her earpiece she heard the director’s ten-second warning, and then she was on, live, broadcasting into millions of homes.

  “That’s right, Ryan,” she said, answering the anchorman’s lead question, “it is quiet now. But that wasn’t the case several hours ago, as these pictures will show.”

  With those words the studio started her taped piece from earlier in the day showing Leslie standing in LaFayette Park across Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House, the street completely blocked with demonstrators and the police standing shoulder to shoulder with their backs to the White House fence. She had to yell above the noise of the honking horns and the bullhorns behind her. Clearly visible were signs reading “Abort this President” and “Holy Unfit.”

  “Today’s demonstration, which started at noon, is the largest yet since they began on Wednesday, the day after the president’s speech. Behind me are groups from Act Out! and Women for Abortion. The organizers claim that tomorrow there will be even larger crowds, with buses coming from several major cities. Meanwhile, the vice president continues to distance herself from what some are calling the president’s radical break with our nation’s tradition of separation of church and state, and many congresspeople are being asked to choose a worldview, not just by the president, but by their own constituents.”

  The tape cut to what appeared to be a law library, but it was really a set used by members of Congress for television interviews. Leslie was sitting at a round table
with Trenton Patterson and Warner Watts. The piece began with Congressman Patterson speaking. “Those of us in the president’s party in particular are seeking clarifications on exactly what he meant and what he intends in several key areas before making our final decisions, Leslie.”

  “How could his message have been any clearer, Congressman Patterson? Have you, for example, chosen one worldview or the other, as he requested?”

  The congressman smiled. “Well, that’s just the sort of thing I mean. Were those just good words for a speech, or did he really mean that? Obviously I want to support him, once he clarifies a few things. But the White House is so busy right now, with all the changes, that it’s hard to get straight answers on questions like that.”

  “Thank you. Senator Watts, what about you? Have you made a choice yet?”

  Again a smile. “No, Leslie, not hardly. And that’s very personal, anyway.”

  “I agree, Senator. What about your party’s assessment of the president’s proposals?”

  “Well, parts of it sounded good, but other aspects were very troubling. For example, if we really adopted his novel flat tax idea, think how many good people it would put out of work—accountants, attorneys, government workers. Why, it might trigger a recession all on its own!”

  The cameras then showed Leslie live, standing in front of the lighted White House, bundled up in a long coat against the winter chill. “Ryan, we’ll have more of that interview with Congressman Patterson and Senator Watts on Newsline tonight after the late local news. But here are two last points. In the interview Congressman Patterson made the interesting point that this November’s bi-election will really be like a four year presidential election, since afterward apparently either William Harrison or Patricia Barton-North will be the president, depending on how the vote goes. And we understand from the organizers of today’s protests that they’re planning a huge demonstration and march on Washington for Easter weekend. We’ll bring you more on that as it develops.”

  “Leslie,” Ryan’s head appeared in the top right-hand corner of the screen, “we’ve heard that the president has quickly assembled some Christian replacements for the members of his Cabinet who have resigned, and that these still mostly unknown people had lunch yesterday with those members who’ve decided to stay.”

  “That’s right, Ryan, except that this Christian group has actually been together for quite a while. We understand it’s made up of the preachers, economists, and writers who clandestinely helped the president with Tuesday night’s address. We’re still trying to track down exactly who they are. Chris White, the White House press secretary, did find time in all of the confusion today to tell us that the president should be announcing these new names early next week.”

  “All right, Leslie, thanks for that report. You’ve certainly got your hands full with all the changes in Washington these days.”

  As Leslie removed her earpiece and handed her microphone to her sound man, she thought, It’s sure nice of you to volunteer to come down to Washington for the weekend to help me sort through it all!

  That evening the Harrisons shared a meal with Michael and Elizabeth Tate, Jerry and Diane Richardson, and Bradley and Susan Fullerton. Around the dinner table they talked about the blending of the president’s two advisory teams. William was delighted that Bradley Fullerton and Larry Thomas had agreed to take leaves of absence in order to work full-time at the White House, along with eight second-level personnel recommended by their mentors the previous fall. And he was still hoping that Michael Tate would join them as well, at least until the November elections.

  “Well, I think we got off to a good start yesterday afternoon,” Jerry said, “and we should hit the ground running by Monday with the moves being completed this weekend. Larry should arrive from the West Coast on Tuesday.”

  “What do you think, Jerry,” Michael asked, “from your corporate background: will this fusion work?”

  The chief of staff considered for a moment. “Of course I haven’t known the new group very long, but everyone on both teams seems truly committed to making it work. I think most of us from the old team have thought about what William said in his speech, and we agree that this may be the one last chance to turn the nation around, back to its foundations, whether one describes those in faith terms or not. So, yes, I think it will.”

  Fullerton, who for ten years had headed the Christian Economic Research Institute after twenty years in government and academia, said, “No one’s ever tried anything like this, that I know of. We’ve got to keep the current government running in place, if you will, until the nation votes in November. But we’ve also got to formulate policy recommendations that will be attractive first to potential believing candidates, and then to all voters. And the recommendations have to be detailed enough to convince the public and the press that we know what we’re doing, but not so complete that we preclude real congressional input after the elections. And we need to do all that as quickly as possible, so we can overcome the largely negative stories now circulating and begin to build our case. But other than that, the next few months will probably be boring!”

  Everyone smiled. Diane Richardson said, “It sounds like there’s a lot to do. Is it really possible to accomplish it all?”

  Fullerton continued, “The good news is that many of us have been complaining, if you will, for years; and through that process we’ve developed a set of biblically based policy recommendations across the entire legislative agenda—not just in economics—which have been debated and fine tuned among a fairly wide group, and they’re almost ready to go. And the great news is that the first version of William Harrison’s administration scared most of us so much that we worked twice as hard in the last twelve months, not realizing that God had a purpose for all that work.”

  Now everyone laughed. William raised his hand. “I’m guilty—but I’m glad to know there was even a purpose for my misplaced policies.”

  “Thank God there’s always a purpose,” Michael added.

  “And you need to add yours to the team,” William said. “How could you pass up the chance to work with so many witty and well meaning people?”

  Michael smiled and nodded in the president’s direction. “I’m still praying about it. When I hear the answer, you’ll be the next to know.”

  “What would Michael do?” Elizabeth asked.

  “I’ll answer that,” Jerry said. “I’d like to have his organizational experience as the deputy chief of staff, helping to coordinate all that we’ve got to accomplish. We can divide up the tasks so as not to get in each other’s way. And of course his expertise and contacts in so many foreign countries will be of immense help. Finally, I hope he can enlarge the course he designed for the president to reach a wider group, maybe even a mass audience, in preparation for November.”

  “Remember when we talked about that possibility back in September?” Carrie asked William. “Now what seemed impossible may actually happen.”

  “That’s God’s way,” Michael said. “Elizabeth and I will talk together and pray, and I’ll let you know soon.”

  “Good,” William added. “We really need your help. I knew in my mind that this wouldn’t be easy, but even I wasn’t ready for the attacks this week. And not just from the obvious groups. Even the ‘religious right’—some of them have apparently questioned my new faith, saying that if I were really a believer, I would go ahead and change everything I could now, without a national vote, and that I would fire the whole Cabinet, as well as the vice president! As if I could. I just hope there’s a majority of people out there who believe not only in God and his sovereignty but also in our Constitution, in between the very vocal extremists on each side who have filled the press since Tuesday night.”

  “They’re out there,” Susan Fullerton offered. “At least I believe they are, going about their business and raising their families and not getting involved in more than their schools and churches and little Leagues. But they’re what this country is all abo
ut. They are this country. They’ve got to be there. And we’ve just got to get them involved again in this nation’s political process, before it’s too late.”

  “There’s our new speechwriter to replace Bob,” William said to Jerry.

  Susan blushed. Her husband added, “And she’s the best one I know. Susan’s been writing my speeches for years.”

  “Then if you’re available and you two don’t mind working together, you’re hired,” Jerry said.

  Susan thought for a moment. “Only if Michael joins us.”

  “That’s what I like, a team player who can apply pressure to her teammates.” William laughed. “What about it, Michael?”

  “We’ll see. We’ll see. You must realize that there are some parts of the world where what this team is trying to do will not be taken too kindly. And to have an ordained minister in the Cabinet might add insult to injury.”

  “You pray, my friend,” William said, “and we’ll let God decide. I think we can take the heat around the world, if it’s God’s will. What would an unhappy government do, anyway? Launch missiles over our new policy of trying to honor God?”

  Everyone except Michael Tate smiled. “No, probably not,” he said. “But, seriously, there are strong feelings in many places not only against our government but also against our God, particularly our reliance on the work of his Son for our salvation. By putting the two more closely together, we may make some people very unhappy. Maybe not governments, but very possibly some militant extremists.”

  William had only focused on their new course as a matter of domestic policy. For the first time since he began his Christian walk, he considered that his decision to follow God might have an impact outside the country. Could it affect whoever was threatening to use the Ukrainian nuclear warhead? For a moment he stopped breathing. Carrie, the only one at the table who knew about the bomb, obviously thought the same thing, for her eyes met his, and he could see the anxiety in them.