by Dale Brown
Teguina. "I see, " the aged President finally said. "So. Did you
encounter resistance when you decided to occupy the Air Force base with
provincial police officers and Chinese troops?" Teguina's eyes widened
in surprise when Mikaso mentioned using Chinese troops in his operation;
then he realized his mistake in registering such a surprise. Mikaso had
suspected all along-whether or not he got the information first hand or
simply guessed, it was obvious he knew now. "The traitors put up a brief
battle, but, as all cowards will, they turned and ran when confronted by
legitimate forces, " Teguina replied. "The Chinese troops supplied
transportation to Puerto Princesa, that's all, and they were forced to
protect themselves as well as graciously protecting the provincial
police units as well. We thanked God the rebels did not drop another
nuclear bomb on us. "I have a simple question, Mr. Vice President, "
Mikaso said, a gleam of humor now shining in his eyes and a hint of a
smile tugging at the corners of his lips. "Do you honestly expect the
Philippine people to believe this fairy tale? That the Chinese were
victims of Filipino aggression... the Chinese graciously offered the
use of their warships . . . the Chinese only protected themselves
when you overran Puerto Princesa? Do you honestly expect the world to
believe that the Chinese suddenly became our staunch ally simply to
fight off the evil, corrupt New Armed Force troops and install your own
Communist puppet into power?"
"They will believe it, Mikaso, " Teguina said slowly, "because . . .
you will tell them."
"Me? You expect me to betray my country, my homeland, just because of
your threats and a Chinese rifle pointed at my head? Certainly you are
joking, " Mikaso scoffed. "This is the end of the American puppet regime
in the Philippines, Mikaso "No, it is not. I know you, Daniel. I am
not the tottering old fool, the white-haired, senile figurehead you
always believed I was. I chose you to become my vice president because
your flowery speeches and socialist ranting and raving has awakened the
political fire in a lot of people that never cared much for national
politics."
"You would not have been elected if it were not for me!" Teguina
snarled. "That's right, Daniel, that's right, " Mikaso admitted. "And
you will not succeed without me. I understand the importance of a
coalition government, and I understand that there are factions in this
country that desire change. I was willing to accept the opposition
party in order to carry our nation forward into the future after the
departure of the Americans. You can do the same. If you want change,
Teguina, then have your National Democratic Front form its own coalition
and defeat UNIDO. Have your party enact laws to give more funds to the
people and less toward defense, if that's what you propose. You are the
Vice President. You carry considerable political power, more than your
confused brain realizes. "But... if you enlist outsiders' help to
overthrow the legitimate government and close down the parliament,
people all over the world will fear you, and your own people will
condemn you. And if you continue to rob the treasury, install yourself
in luxury in the presidential palace, and turn our nation into a
battleground, you will eventually feel defeat. There is always someone
around the corner with a bigger gun and a bigger army-" Teguina reached
over, grabbed Mikaso by the lapels of his jacket, and said in a low,
burning voice, "I don't want your prostituted government anymore, old
man." He then pushed the President back into his seat and yelled,
"Admiral! Enter!" Mikaso stared as a contingent of about fifty Chinese
troops rushed into his office. Several Presidential Guard soldiers were
led in, some carrying the dead bodies of other policemen or soldiers.
Behind them all was a Chinese naval officer, about sixty years old, in
white uniform slacks, dark helmet, a dark-blue jacket that appeared
thick enough to be a bulletproof vest, and a sidearm. Beside the
military officer, to Mikaso's complete surprise, was the ambassador from
the People's Republic of China, Dong Sen Kim, who averted his eyes and
would not look at Mikaso directly. Along with the Chinese troops came
several of Mikaso's Cabinet officials, most of whom were National
Democratic Front members-but they also included Eduardo Friscino, the
Minister of Interior. "This is the new governor of the People's Republic
of the Sulu Islands, Eduardo Friscino, " Teguina said to Mikaso. "He
has seen your frail attempts to restore American dictatorship to the
Philippines and has agreed to join with me to form a better nation,
separate but equal, different yet fused together for the good of all."
Mikaso stared in disbelief at Friscino. "EduardoEduardo looked like a
whipped dog. Standing in front of all those armed soldiers, he already
seemed on the verge of collapse; now, under Mikaso's incredulous glare,
he seemed to practically wilt into the floorboards, but said nothing.
"Because of the political and cultural separation that exists between
the southern islands and the northern island, " Teguina continued, "I
have decided to create a new state, a federation of provinces that will
be independent yet closely allied to the north. Luzon and the Sibuyan
islands will be known as the Democratic Federation of Aguinaldo. It
will be under my control, protected by loyal military forces as well as
New People's Army groups formed into provincial militias. "Palawan,
Mindanao, and the Sulu Archipelago will be known collectively as the
People's Federation of the Sulu Islands, " Teguina went on. "Once
joined officially, Aguinaldo and the Sulu Federation will once again
become the Democratic Republic of Aguinaldo."
"Daniel, you cannot do this, " Mikaso said earnestly. "Samar and
Mindanao will not join your revolution-they will fight your annexation,
resist your attempt to overthrow them, and split themselves off from the
rest of the Philippines altogether-"
"Yes. Vice President Samar is proving to be difficult, " Teguina
admitted. Jose Trujillo Samar, Second Vice President of the
Philippines, was the governor of the state of Mindanao. "But once the
city of Davao falls, Mindanao will be ours as well." Mikaso sat back in
the chair behind his desk, trying to absorb everything Teguina was
saying. This was insane. Teguina had taken the nuclear detonation and
allowed the Philippines to be raped by it. His entire country-the
nation he loved and served-was evaporating before his eyes. Even its
very form of government. He had to stop this, had to buy himself some
time. ... had to stop Teguina. But he needed time. Moments, if nothing
else. "Daniel, " Mikaso said, "what about these Chinese troops here?
How do they fit into your master plan?"
"Glad you asked, Mikaso, " Teguina said smugly. He motioned to the
officer in the helmet and blue bulletproofjacket. "This is Admiral Yin
Po L'un, commander of the Spratly Island flotilla, the fleet that your
traitorous s
oldiers bombed and strafed three nights ago. As a fellow
Communist, he has agreed-with the full support of the People's Republic
of China, communicated to us from Beijing by Ambassador Dong-to assist
in establishing my new regime. In exchange I have granted the Chinese
Navy complete ownership of illegitimate Philippine holdings in the
Spratly Islands. I have also authorized them access to our ports on
Palawan and, once the rebel military forces have been eliminated, the
naval base at Zamboanga and the airfields at Cebu and Davao. They will
also have access to the former American military bases at Subic Bay and
Angeles..."
"You're giving the Chinese four military bases?" Mikaso gasped
incredulously. "You're insane, Teguina! The people will never allow
it-the world will never allow such a domination!"
"It is already being done, Mikaso, " Teguina said. "Not if I can help
it, " Mikaso said, reaching into his desk drawer to pull out a pistol
he'd kept there for years. But it was too late. Several Type 56
automatic rifles, variants of the Soviet AK47 assault rifle, swung in
his direction and someone fired. Mikaso jerked from the impact of the
shot and slumped over the desk before finally collapsing on the floor.
Teguina stood staring at the assassinated President, his mouth slightly
agape. He had never meant to kill Mikaso, simply arrest him and have
him confined. He continued to stare at the body and realized his
breathing was labored. He felt a tap on the shoulder. "Comrade
President.. ." Admiral Yin said, a slight smile on his face. Teguina
had never heard those words before. The reality was dawning on him.
Within a few seconds he had become the new President of the Republic of
the Philippines-no, the President of the New Democratic Federation of
Aguinaldo. He liked the sound of that-President of the Democratic
Federation of Aguinaldo. It was a name that recalled the glory days,
the days of fervent revolutionaries like Emilio Aguinaldo, a peasant
farmer who rose to become the leader of a nation over two world
superpowers, Spain and the United States. No matter that Aguinaldo was
finally captured by General Funston, capitulated, and swore allegiance
to America-it was his indomitable spirit that survived. It would become
the rallying cry for a new nation. The Republic of Aguinaldo. The name
sounded perfect. The body in a brown suit had been hastily covered with
a tablecloth and was carried out by Chinese soldiers. "Wait!" Teguina
shouted. "1 want the badge." He pointed to his lapel, then motioned to
the body that had been taken away. A Chinese officer went out,
returning a few seconds later with the Philippine Badge of Honor.
Teguina's eyes registered dark stains spattered across the officer's
fingers, but ignored them as he pinned the Badge of Honor to his own
lapel. The doors to the President's office were closed by the Chinese
troops, and Daniel Francisco Teguina set about the task of planning the
important next steps to consolidating his power. THE WHITE HOUSE OVAL
OFFICE WEDNESDAY, 28 SEPTEMBER 1994, 1035 HOURS LOCAL The President was
at his desk, staring out of one of the bulletresistant polycarbonate
windows looking into the Rose Garden, when the men were ushered in. He
didn't even look up. His mind was on something more personal, more
immediate than whatever brought the gentlemen in for this next
appointment. Secretary of State Dennis Danahall and the President's
Chief of Staff, Paul Cesare, were standing near the President's desk.
The President's secretary ushered General Curtis into the Oval Office.
Curtis had been summoned for a meeting with the NSC and the President.
"Sir.. ." General Curtis said, letting the President know he was
present after Taylor's secretary had shut the door behind him and
disappeared back into the outer reception area. The President said
nothing for a moment-nor did the others-and then, finally, he turned and
took a deep breath. "Arturo Mikaso may be dead." Curtis felt his heart
skip a beat. "What? Mikaso dead?" Danahall said, "It's unconfirmed,
but we got a report a few minutes ago from British Intelligence, who had
a Filipino clerk working in the palace at the time. The clerk says
Mikaso was shot by a Chinese guard about an hour ago when the troops
moved in. Some other Cabinet members and most of Mikaso's staff and
guards were also shot."
"Mikaso could still be alive." The President sighed. "But I doubt it."
"What about the Chinese? Are they assisting in the coup?" asked Curtis.
"The Chinese have occupied a military base on Palawanthey have in fact
occupied the entire island-and have been given authorization by Teguina
to occupy four more installations in the south, " Secretary of Defense
Preston said. "There are Chinese infantry and armor units in the
capital already, and they are augmenting rebel troops by the hundreds."
Curtis looked at the President of the United States, understanding the
terrible anguish within him. President Taylor and Mikaso had been
friends despite the removal of U.S. troops from the Philippines, and
Taylor had always pledged to protect Mikaso and his island country no
matter what the political situation was. The news of his murder in his
own house, by invading troops, must have been devastating to the
President. "Mr. President, I'm very sorry. "I haven't even briefed the
rest of the NSC or the Cabinet about it yet, " the President replied
quietly. "Dammit, I should have been smarter. 1 should have realized
Arturo was in danger from the beginning.. ." The President swiveled
his chair and faced his advisers. "Well, what the hell do we do now?"
"The Chinese have closed off the airport, " Danahall said. "It's too
late to evacuate American citizens in Manila. We should demand that all
American citizens that wish to leave be allowed to leave."
"Yes, absolutely . . . see to it immediately, " the President said.
His mind was moving quickly from item to item, all the while interrupted
with the thought of his friend murdered in cold blood by a Chinese
soldier. "What about the carriers? Are they in danger from the Chinese
now?" General Curtis said, "1 believe the carriers can adequately
protect themselves from any sea-based threats, including Chinese
submarines. Their main threat would come from longrange, land-based
strike aircraft or antiship missiles, and we need to determine the
seriousness of that threat before sending any carrier task forces too
close to occupied territory. The main thing is, we've got to get all
the data we possibly can on the composition of the Chinese invaders. But
if I may speak freely, sir-the most important question here is what you
intend to do about the Chinese in the Philippines, " Curtis concluded.
"I want the Chinese out, that's what, " the President replied testily.
"I want the democratic government in Manila restored. We will open
negotiations with Premier Cheung immediately, of course, but I want them
out. Unconditionally."
"But if they are invited by the Philippine government? Do we have any
right to go in
with military force to try to remove them?" Secretary of
Defense Preston asked. "If they pose no direct threat to free trade and
free access to the South Pacific or Southeast Asia, why do we want them
out of the Philippines?" "What do you mean... ? Of course we have the
right to remove them from the Philippines, " President Taylor said.
"They're a destabilizing force, a military and political threat to the
democracies in the area. Aren't we in agreement on this?"
"I don't think there is any question about that, " Danahall said. "A
three-way balance of power-us, the Soviets, and the Chinese-offers the
best stability. Reduce it to one nation and the Cold War heats up all
over again." Curtis said, "But Secretary Preston's point is valid, sir.
We might not have any legitimate right to try to bump the Chinese out
unless we can prove that the invasion is not in our best interests or
unless we are asked to intervene."
"We have every right to make demands on the Chinese, " Cesare
interjected. "They don't own the South China Sea. No nation can just
move in and occupy another country."
"Exactly, Paul, " the President said, "Mikaso was our friend and ally.
I'm sure he didn't give his life to allow the Chinese to march into his
capital and take over his country."
"Curtis and Preston have a point, Mr. President, " Danahall said. "If
the present government-even Teguinasays he invited China in to quell
some sort of national uprising, that forces us into a defensive
situation. We have to explain to the world why we want to send troops
in."
"We're always put in a position to defend our actions, " the President
scoffed. "What else is new?"
"That's often true, Mr. President, " Danahall said. "But we've got to
try to work in concert with other countries-the more we try to go it
alone, the more we're accused of bullying and imperialism. We should
get some interested countries involved and get them to ask for our
help."
"Like who?" "ASEAN, for example, " Danahall replied. "Most or all of
the ASEAN nations have had territorial arguments with ChinaASEAN was
