by Dale Brown
developed as a counterweight to Chinese aggression. And then there are
things we can do to advance our own military position without
unnecessarily provoking the Chinese or alienating ASEAN..."
"Well, sending in a second carrier battle group and a Marine
Expeditionary Unit seems pretty provocative to me, Cesare said. "I think
that action can be fully justified in the context of a nuclear-armed
Chinese naval group that has moved into the South China Sea. I mean
it's right in the heart of ASEAN, " Curtis replied. "So would sending
in the Air Battle force for support "I don't want to send in the damned
B-52 bombers, " the President grumbled. "Sending them in would be
tantamount to saying we want a nuclear exchange. Christ, Curtis. "Sir,
the biggest threat facing our carrier battle group in the South China
Sea is not sea-based threats, but land-based threats, " Curtis argued.
"Heavy bombers and large antiship weapons launched from shore could
devastate the fleet . "You said that already."
"The same argument applies to the Chinese, sir. Even a small squadron
of Harpoon-equipped B-52s could devastate a Chinese surface action
group-each bomber could destroy two to four vessels, with minimal risk
to themselves." The point, however grudgingly, was made on the
President. "So what can the Air Force do?" the President asked after a
brief pause. "We don't have bases in the Philippines . "We'd operate
out of Guam, sir, just like STRATFOR is doing, " Curtis replied. "We'd
deploy the First Air Battle Wing and have the manpower and equipment out
there on hand for both fleet defense, sea interdiction, and ground
attack. I'm not asking for permission to send the entire Air Battle
Wing, sir, " Curtis concluded. "We'll need time to set up-at least five
to six days. But General Elliott of HAWC has devised a special
combat-information exchange system aboard several of his
aircraft-including several modified B-52s and a B-2 stealth bomber-that
could be extremely valuable to us if the shooting starts. I'm requesting
permission to send Elliott and one aircraft, the stealth bomber, to
Guam-under absolute secrecyto help get things set up."
"Elliott?" the President asked, rolling his eyes. "Brad Elliott? He's
involved in this... already?" Curtis went slowly, calmly, trying not to
inflame the President any further. "It was his Center's satellite
system-PACER SKY-that got the photos of the Chinese ship launching the
nuclear missile at the Philippine Navy. We want to expand that same
satellite system on all the Air Battle Force aircraft. "But why send a
B-2?" the President asked. "The B-2 is a part of the Air Battle Force
now, sir, " General Curtis explained. "It requires a lot more security
and a bit more ground-support pre-planning. In addition, this
particular B-2 was General Elliott's prototype with the full PACER SKY
satellite system installed. It also has greatly enhanced reconnaissance
and surveillance capabilities that we will need immediately if the Air
Battle Force is activated." The President thought about the proposal a
bit, then, with a weary and exasperated sigh shook his head. "Listen,
Wilbur, I can't decide on any of that now. Continue with current
directives and keep me advised. I've got some thinking to do."
"Sir, may I?" "Save it, Wilbur. Thank you." The meeting was definitely
over. RESIDENCE OF THE PREMIER, BAIYUNGUAN TERRACE BEIJING, REPUBLIC OF
CHINA THURSDAY, 29 SEPTEMBER 1994, 0602 HOURS LOCAL (WEDNESDAY, 28
SEPTEMBER, 1702 HOURS WASHINGTON TIME) The streets were still relatively
empty as the small motorcade of dark, unmarked cars raced down Shilibao
Avenue westward past Tian'anmen Square, then north past Yuyan Tan
People's Park toward the Premier's residence in Baiyunguan Terrace, a
complex of residences, green rolling hills, parks, and temples built
especially for the Communist government leaders. Outer security at the
twisting single-lane entrance was provided by a single unarmed guard who
would politely point and describe the complex to tourists and children
and even offer to take pictures for visitors; inside the narrow portal,
however, was a detail of three thousand heavily armed soldiers,
hand-picked by Premier Cheung Yat Sing himself, that guarded the
sixtyacre complex. Once inside the complex, the motorcade sped past
willowlined streets and meticulously tended sidewalks as they curved
upward toward the center cluster of buildings, the private residence of
Premier Cheung. The motorcade came to a sudden halt underneath a long
breezeway, and the limousine's occupants hurried inside the reception
hall. If they had paused to look, they could have seen one of the
grandest vistas in all Beijing-Yuyan Tan Lake to the west, the expansive
Peking Zoo to the north, and the massive brick monuments of the Imperial
Palace and Tian'anmen Square to the east, now glowing fiery crimson in
the rising sun. But the limousine's occupants were hustled directly
inside and to the immediate meeting with the Premier himself in his
private office. Leing Yee Tak, ambassador to China from the Republic of
Vietnam, hardly had time to remove his shoes before none other than
Premier Cheung himself entered the office, along with members of his
Cabinet. This was highly unusual: the Premier never met with lowly
ambassadors, only heads of state or occasionally minister- or
Cabinet-level officials. Leing waited until the Premier had taken his
seat at the center of a long dark granite table, then bowed deeply and
approached the table. Cheung immediately offered him a seat with a
gesture, and Leing sat. His interpreter aide remained standing behind
him. Cheung was old, incredibly old even for a Chinese politician. The
ninety-one-year-old leader of the world's most populous nation still
moved fairly well without assistance, although two burly Chinese Marines
were on hand to help him in and out of his chair. His hair was dark,
obviously dyed at the insistence of his advisers or from some
deep-seated vanity, but his face was deeply etched from age and his
fingers gnarled from arthritis. But Leing had been taught from his
first days in the Vietnamese Socialist Party and the People's Foreign
Ministry that the eyes were the giveaway-Cheung's eyes were still
gleaming, still quick, still alert. Despite rumors to the contrary,
Cheung still appeared to be in charge... But after quickly scanning the
faces of the other Cabinet members, perhaps not. The Chinese Foreign
Minister, Party Counsel, and Minister of Commerce were present, but the
Ministers of Interior, Finance, Defense, and Industry were all replaced
by their military counterparts. This was a military tribunal
represented here, not a peacetime government. And Leing knew well the
Supreme Commander of the People's Liberation Army, High General Chin Po
Zihong. Chin was young for a Chinese government official-sixty-seven,
if Leing remembered correctly-but he appeared to be half that age. He
was a short, barrel-chested, dark-haired Mongol that instantly reminded
one of how the Mongol hordes of centuries past
had struck fear into the
hearts of soldiers throughout Europe and Asia. Unlike most other
high-ranking military officers, Chin wore few accoutrements on his
plain, dark grey uniform. He didn't need ribbons and badges to
demonstrate his power and authority to others. Cheung spoke, and
afterward his interpreter said, "The Premier extends his government's
greeting to Comrade Leing. The Premier wishes to know if there is
anything that would make the ambassador from the Republic of Vietnam
more comfortable."
"Nothing, Comrade Premier, " Leing replied. "I thank you for your
generous offer. I too wish to extend the greetings of the Republic of
Vietnam." Cheung bowed slightly at the neck, and the civilian members
of the Cabinet did likewise-the military members did not move. Chin
appeared as immobile as stone, unblinking and inscrutable. "The Premier
wishes to extend an invitation to the ambassador from Vietnam to attend
a briefing on the situation in the Philippines and the South China Sea,
" the interpreter said. "High General Chin will conduct the briefing.
We will outline the actions and events that precipitated the current
military actions in that nation and explain our objectives and
intentions." Leing could have fallen over backward in surprise. The Chi
nese Chief of Staff himself, conducting a briefing on his military
actions-for a member of the Vietnamese government? The offer was
astounding. China and Vietnam had a long, off-again and on-again
relationship over the past fifty years. Both were Communist republics;
Vietnam's government was fashioned as a smaller copy of China's. Both
were military powers in the Pacific, with Vietnam having the world's
fourth-largest army and the world's eighth-largest small-boat navy. But
political relations were based on expediency and short-term interests,
and those relations were usually stormy at best and warlike at worst.
Currently, relations were at the simmering but nonbelligerent level. The
Spratly Islands question, long a point of contention, was at an impasse,
with China having the definite edge. Vietnam had countered with its
full membership in ASEAN, and with improving its relations with the
Soviet Union, the United States, and many other countries. The brief
but violent war over the Spratly Islands in the late 1980s was all but
forgotten, border skirmishes were rare, and things were tense but
bloodless for a few years now. Why would China feel the need to advise
Vietnam on its current conflict in the Philippines? "On behalf of my
government, I accept your gracious offer, Comrade Premier, " Leing
replied warily. "The incidents of the past few days in the Philippines
have caused much concern in my country. "Allow me to assure you, Comrade
Ambassador, " the interpreter said, "that the People's Republic of China
harbors no ill feeling toward Vietnam. Our forces will not threaten any
Vietnamese facilities or vessels in the region. You have the word of
the Premier."
"I thank you for your assurances, Comrade Premier, " Leing said. Leing
risked a full glance at General Chin, to perhaps see if Chin, the real
power where Chinese foreign intrigue was concerned, would give similar
assurances; he did not. His return stare was powerful enough to make
Leing silent: "Your assurances are important, since Chinese naval
vessels patrol the entire Spratly archipelago, within striking distance
of Vietnamese-settled islands. My government will be relieved to hear
that these warships mean no harm." It was General Chin's turn to speak
now, and he did so without waiting for permission. "I give you my
assurance that no Chinese vessel will approach any Vietnamese-claimed
islands or interfere with Vietnamese naval operations in any way, he
said through the interpreter. Leing's own interpreter gave a slightly
different version of Chin's statement-he said that no Chinese vessel
will land on a Vietnamese-claimed island or interfere with legitimate
Vietnamese naval operations in any way. Leing nodded. The exact
wording was not important: these men were not to be trusted no matter
what they said. Actions spoke louder than words, and so far their
actions suggested the Chinese Navy was in the Spratly Islands to stay.
"So I am to assume, Comrade General, that Chinese warships will continue
to patrol north of the neutral zone, in violation of international
treaty?"
"We were invited by the government of the Philippines to assist in
national self-defense matters, " Chin said. "The request included
patrolling their islands for signs of rebel activity. We are protecting
their interests as well as yours, since as we have seen the rebel
military's actions are a threat to all nations." Lies, Leing thought,
struggling to keep his face as impassive as possible. The whole world
knows it was a Chinese nuclear warhead that exploded in the Palawan
Straits. Do they really expect me to believe this fairy tale? "My
government appreciates the truth in your words, Comrade General, " Leing
said evenly, "but also prefers that international treaties be strictly
followed."
"The terms of the treaty between us have been altered by recent events,
" the Chinese Foreign Minister, Zhou Ti Yanbing, said. "Because of the
nuclear explosion, we felt our forces were at substantial risk in the
South China Sea and that an escalation of our naval presence was
necessary. At the same time, we were invited by the government of the
Philippines to assist them in putting down a suspected coup and a
violent military attack by well-armed forces. Those are the facts, and
we speak the truth." Not the whole truth, Leing noted: it was the
Chinese who set off the nuclear explosion, the Chinese who posed the
greatest risk to neighboring nations. The Philippine coup was just a
fortuitous opportunity for the Chinese to complete their long
sought-after conquest. . "However, the situation has become even more
unstable for us and for all nations involved in this incident, " Zhou
continued. "We realize that new priorities must be established and new
ties formed between the affected nations-especially between China and
Vietnam." "What sort of ties are you referring to, Comrade Foreign
Minister?" There was a pause, an uneasy silence notably between General
Chin and Premier Cheung-although no words or glances were exchanged, the
two men were on edge. Then Cheung spoke, and the interpreter said, "We
wish to issue a ninetynine-year irrevocable lease to the Republic of
Vietnam to occupy, develop, patrol, and regulate affairs in the entire
Nansha Island archipelago." Leing was stunned. "I... Please, Comrade
Premier, if you would be so good to repeat your last statement. General
Chin made a sudden outburst, and Cheung replied hotly without turning
toward him. "The General said, 'This is nonsense, ' and the Premier
ordered him to keep quiet, " Leing's interpreter whispered into the
ambassador's ear. "I believe you heard correctly, Comrade Ambassador, "
Foreign Minister Zhou said through his interpreter. "We wish to turn
over c
ontrol of the Nansha Islands to Vietnam. We will surrender all
interests we currently hold in the islands to you for a period of
ninety-nine years, after which time we will agree to enter into
negotiations for outright transfer of ownership or an extension of the
lease to you." Then Leing's interpreter added, "It appears to me that
General Chin is opposed to the plan." Leing was shocked. China, which
patrolled the Nansha Islands-the Chinese term for the Spratly Islands-as
if they were a mainland province-had even defended their rights to the
islands with atomic weapons. Now they were willing to just give the
islands up? And give them up to Vietnam, which was once an ally but was
now a clear adversary? As early as 1988, China had come a hairsbreadth
away from invading Vietnam over the Spratly Islands. . . "This is most
unexpected, Comrade Premier, " Leing said, finally regaining control
over his numbed senses. "It is a most attractive offer. Naturally, I
assume there is a condition to this transfer?" Of course there was-and
Leing finally realized what it might be.... "You are correct, Comrade
Ambassador, " the interpreter said for Foreign Minister Zhou. "Although
we freely admit that an adjustment to the turbulent situation in the
Nansha Island chain meant that this action was far overdue: "We realize
that a vote will be forthcoming when the Association of South East Asian
Nations meet in Singapore and the question of our occupation of the
Philippines is brought forward. We have tried to assure all countries
involved in this situation that our involvement was requested by the
Philippine government and that we are acting in strict accordance with
international law; however, we realize that outside, nonCommunist
sympathizers will attempt to undermine our efforts to restore peace to
the region. China has not been offered an opportunity to voice our side
of the matter, which precludes any sort of fair and equitable resolution
of this incident. "We are therefore asking that when the vote is called,
the Vietnamese vote against any ASEAN resolutions to interfere in the
Philippines, and that you urge other nations in ASEAN to vote against
any resolution as well. Since a unanimous vote is necessary for ASEAN
