Henry Knox

by Mark Puls

  Adams saw that finding a way to accommodate both Knox and Du Coudray was fraught with international complications. Massachusetts congressman James Lovell believed the American troops fighting British monarchy would "have a hard struggle in reconciling themselves to that monarchical devotion which is necessary in the adoption of Du Coudray's command.“52 Carroll, however, believed that Du Coudray's contract needed to be ratified, even if it caused dissention in the army, for the sake of the hoped-for alliance with France and American credibility abroad. Even John Adams, who thought that "all the sages and heroes of France" were on their way across the Atlantic to take command of the Continental Army, was forced to concede that because Du Coudray's "interest is so great and so near the throne, that it would be impolitic not to avail ourselves of him.“53

  On Saturday, June 14, Howe's army began to march. Apparently the summer military campaign had begun. Knox noted that the British commander had been gathering troops from Rhode Island, New York City, Staten Island, and the surrounding region along with more than 1,000 wagons, many transporting all kinds of boats for the crossing of the Delaware River. Henry was mildly amused that this caravan seemed "a great encumbrance to an army not very numerous." He and Washington's other generals in the army, which had moved from Morristown to Middlebrook, New Jersey, hoped the British would attack their strong defensive position. Knox felt the army was prepared better than ever. He wrote in a letter to Lucy on Saturday, June 21: "We have the most respectable body of Continental troops that America ever had, no going home tomorrow to suck—hardy, brave fellows, who are as willing to go to heaven by the way of a bayonet or sword as any other mode. With the blessing of Heaven, I have great hopes in the course of this campaign that we shall do something clever.“54

  On June 28, the congressional Board of War sent orders to Washington that all the French cannons that arrived aboard the Amphitrite should be placed under the direction of Du Coudray and the newly arrived French officers. Knox was crestfallen. He believed that he had done everything in his power to build a formidable artillery corps from scratch and that all his efforts meant little to Congress. He was being cast aside for a political appointment. Equally insulting, he had not been notified that he had been discarded. On July 1, he submitted a conditional letter of resignation to congressional president John Hancock: "From the information I have received I am induced to believe that Congress has appointed a Mr. Du Coudray, a French gentleman, to command of the artillery. I wish to know of Congress whether this information be true: if it is, I beg the favor of a permission to retire, and that a proper certificate for that purpose be sent immediately.“55 His fellow generals Greene and Sullivan also sent letters submitting their prospective resignations in protest of the Frenchman's appointment.

  Congress began to have doubts about Du Coudray when three French engineers arrived in Philadelphia with contracts from Franklin and Deane. They refused to serve under Du Coudray and told delegates that it was not appropriate that artillery and engineer corps be grouped together. These officers made it appear that Deane was a child in the hands of the savvy French artillery officer, who negotiated a contract uniting two separate corps in order to place much of the Continental Army under his control. Under the terms of the contract, Du Coudray had the sole power to fill every vacancy under his command throughout the war and would be answerable only to Congress and the commander in chief of the army.

  On Thursday, July 3, General Sullivan's letter to resign if Knox was replaced by Du Coudray was read in Congress. Delegates viewed it as an un-warranted attempt to "control" the legislature. In a sharp rebuke, they immediately resolved to accept his resignation if it were formally tendered.56

  Lovell remained Knox's staunchest defender in Congress. To Benjamin Franklin, he wrote on the first anniversary of Independence Day that foreign officers could not be allowed to take positions from Americans who had fought since the beginning of the war without injuring their honor. "The merit of Brigadier General Knox is great, and he is beloved by his Corps. How then could it be conceived that Mr. Du Coudray's treaty should not create the greatest confusion among our officers of artillery?“57

  Knox's and Greene's letters threatening resignation were read in Congress on Saturday, July 5. Members viewed these as ultimatums directly affronting their authority. Two days later, they denounced the letters as "an attempt to influence their decisions, and an invasion of the liberties of the people, and indicating a want of confidence in the justice of Congress." They directed Washington to accept the generals' resignations if they could not serve their country under the authority of Congress, and acknowledge their improper attempts to subvert the will of the national legislature.58

  That same day, July 7, John Adams also wrote a forceful letter to Greene demanding an apology from the three generals and scolding that the military was not to interfere with the civil government in a democratic government. Adams explained that Du Coudray's appointment had not yet been settled because of complicated considerations, including the possible insult to France and the discredit to American diplomats abroad. "It is in truth one of the most delicate and perplexing transactions that has ever fallen in our way: but those three letters instead of relieving us has only increased our mortification." Adams chastised the three generals for lodging protests even before Congress made a final decision—and in formal addresses to Congress rather than private letters to individual members. "I must needs freely say, that there is more of rashness, passion and even wantonness in this proceeding than I ever expected to see in my friend Greene and Knox in whose judgment and discretion I had the utmost confidence.“59

  On Saturday, July 12, Washington conveyed Congress's resolution and its demand for apologies acknowledging "so singular an impropriety" from Knox, Greene, and Sullivan. All three refused. Knox, clearly hurt by the rebuke, wrote Lucy on Sunday: "Conscious of the rectitude of my intention and of the contents of my letter, I shall make no acknowledgments whatever though my country is too much pressed at present to resign, yet perhaps this campaign will be the last. I am determined to contribute my might to the defense of the country, in spite of every obstacle.“60

  Washington was privately supportive of the positions taken by his generals. On July 13, he wrote a letter to Du Coudray in a disdainful tone explaining that the Frenchman apparently did not understand the artillery suited for America's "mountainous and woody country." The commander in chief rejected his advice on how to use the newly arrived cannons from France, using dismissive phrases such as "you are even mistaken as to the fact" and "you also misconceived," and ordered the recasting of several of the large French cannons to produce lighter, more transportable guns. Washington no doubt consulted Knox in writing the letter, which was transcribed and perhaps partially written by artillerist-turned-aide Alexander Hamilton. Washington went into condescending detail to Du Coudray on the strategies for using artillery. His unmistakable message was that he was not impressed with the Frenchman. Washington stated bluntly, "It would be irregular to interfere with any arrangements General Knox has made with my approbation, in compliance with those you propose . . . every thing seems to me to be already in a very good train.“61

  For all the sharp admonishments coming from Congress over the matter, the delegates realized they could not ratify Du Coudray's contract without causing a revolt in the army not only from Knox, Greene, and Sullivan but many other officers. With more French commanders arriving daily, American soldiers throughout the ranks would be demoralized and feel insecure about their positions. On Tuesday, July 15, the delegates resolved to inform Du Coudray that "Congress cannot comply with the agreement he has entered into with Mr. Deane.“62 As a compromise, the Frenchman was commissioned on Monday, July 21, as a major general in the Continental Army and given an artillery train and a command separate from Knox.63

  Whatever rivalry that sprang up between the two artillery generals ended on September 17, 1777, when Du Coudray drowned in the Schuylkill River. His horse was thrown from a ferr
y, plunging both animal and rider to their watery deaths.

  FIVE

  THE BATTLE FOR PHILADELPHIA

  Knox was frustrated by the military stalemate that was prolonging the war. In the waning days of spring in 1777, Washington's army remained in New Jersey, guarding forest roads between Howe's army and Philadelphia. After a disastrous failed attempt in June, the British decided that marching to Philadelphia by land was no longer possible. The Continental Army was too well entrenched, and inhabitants who had been cooperative with the British a year before were now embittered by redcoat pillaging. Many locals had joined the swelling ranks of militia ready to take up the fight alongside the American army. On Tuesday, July 23, Howe's army of 18,000 men set sail aboard 260 ships from New York toward Chesapeake Bay. Washington was uncertain whether the British target was Philadelphia or if the enemy would swing north and join the troops under Major General John Burgoyne, who had begun an invasion of upstate New York from Canada. The Americans intercepted a British letter that detailed plans for Howe to attack Boston, but Knox and the other generals felt that the letter was a ruse to hide the enemy's true intentions. The commander in chief wrote his generals in New York, New Jersey, Boston, and Philadelphia to remain on high alert. He advised Congress to have lookouts posted at the Delaware Capes to sound the alarm in Philadelphia if the enemy fleet appeared on the horizon. Knox prepared his corps for the army's march to Philadelphia.

  Washington's troops moved out on Friday, July 25—the day that Knox marked his twenty-seventh birthday—with the artillery train followed by the army's rearguard. Henry wrote Lucy the next day from Beverhout, eight miles from Morristown, reporting that the army was four days from Philadelphia: "We suppose he [Washington] will be at Philadelphia near as soon as we.“1

  But the whereabouts of Howe's fleet remained a mystery, and Washington halted his force on Tuesday, July 29, at Coryells Ferry, New Jersey, along the Delaware River, about thirty-three miles north of Philadelphia. The next day, American general Caesar Rodney, stationed in Dover, Delaware, spotted the fleet sailing behind a strong wind for the Delaware Capes leading to Philadelphia. Knox immediately directed his gunners to begin loading wagons and hitching horses to the cannon carriages for the march into the city. Washington left for Philadelphia with a cavalry regiment, followed by General Sullivan's division and two other brigades. But the wind became unfavorable for the warships, and to the American's astonishment, the fleet headed out to sea again at 8 A.M. Thursday.

  Knox was immediately sent to the forts along the Delaware River to inspect their fortifications against enemy ships. He was unfamiliar with the landscape, and the myriad of inlets and islands along the twisting river presented a challenge for erecting a secure line of defense for the nation's capital. Working quickly, he traveled up- and downriver while wondering if the British ships would reappear before he had a chance to finish his critical mission. Washington understood that Knox possessed a keen eye for taking advantage of terrain. Although he had never served in a navy, Henry understood the needs of the British captains and put cannons at spots where vessels would need to moor to find protection from the punishing waves of the Atlantic and the hard, rocky coast. At the battery at Fort Island, he ordered the building of an additional redoubt, moved twelve heavy cannons into position, and assigned 150 gunners, 75 assistants along with 500 infantrymen to guard the waterway. He recommended an additional six cannons at the Red Bank battery and twelve big guns at Billingsport along with more men to man the post and the building of another 500-man fortification at Fort Island. He ordered riverboats to be built and armed with guns that could be repositioned along the river.

  While Knox was busy securing the Delaware, a twenty-year-old Frenchmen arrived in Philadelphia seeking a place in the American army, the marquis de Lafayette. Seized, as he said, with "the love of liberty and glory" and stirred with a romantic idealism inspired by the writings of Rousseau, he fitted out a ship with supplies in direct disobedience of orders from the French government and sailed from Spain to America with eleven companions, including Baron de Kalb (who was not actually a baron but who had served with honor in the French army). Their vessel, poorly armed with two broken-down cannons, had to avoid the British ships to land in South Carolina in June, where Lafayette was charmed by the Americans' "simplicity of manners, kindness, love of country and of liberty, and [where] a delightful equality everywhere prevail," he wrote in a letter to his wife on June 19, 1777. He believed his political ideals were realized in the new nation. "In America, there are no poor, nor even what we call peasantry. Each individual has his own honest property, and the same rights as the most wealthy landed proprietor.“2 But he also was confronted with many suspicions during his 700-mile trip from Charleston to Philadelphia. Many Americans were wary of French adventurers, whom they often found to be arrogant and pretentious, and had begun to view democratic zeal from European mercenaries as masked ambition. Claims of military talent were often treated as abject quackery.

  Lafayette arrived in the nation's capital in Philadelphia and received a cold reception from Congress, which was still dealing with the Du Coudray problem and was daily besieged with foreign soldiers sent by Silas Deane with signed promises in hand granting high rank in the army. Delegates finally decided to ignore all prospective European officers and rein in Deane. Lafayette was turned away but not dissuaded. He sent a note to Congress: "After the sacrifices I have made, I have the right to exact two favors: one is, to serve at my own expense; the other is, to serve at first as volunteer.“3

  Congressmen were intrigued by the note. They were aware that Lafayette hailed from one of the most powerful noble families at court in France and yet offered his services without regard to rank. The young Frenchman was received before Congress on Thursday, July 31, to address the delegates. With considerable charm, Lafayette spoke of his love for liberty and his thirst for glory and the honor to serve beside Washington. He had outfitted a ship during the discouraging days when the Continental Army was retreating from Long Island, New York, White Plains, and New Jersey. He had left a young, beautiful wife in Paris to undergo a hazardous trip and was willing to risk his life in battle or, if Congress preferred, to champion their cause at Versailles.

  The delegates were so impressed with Lafayette's candor, enthusiasm, and willingness to risk his life for the cause that Congress resolved "that his service be accepted, and that, in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and commission of major general in the army of the United States.“4 The title was honorary, and his assignment was left up to Washington.

  In the evening, the marquis dined with several members of Congress and Washington, who despite the recent troubles with French officers formed an immediate fondness for Lafayette and offered him lodging at his headquarters.

  The next day, Washington invited Lafayette to review his 11,000-man army. Although his position had recently been threatened by a French officer, Henry was impressed with the marquis. Knox had taught himself to speak and write French during his youth, and Lafayette was delighted that an American commander could address him in his native tongue. The two came from distinctly different backgrounds, yet they had a sympathetic bond beyond their politics. Both had grown up without a father. The marquis wanted to fight the British not only for liberty's sake but to avenge his father's death in the Seven Years' War. Knox and the young man could not have been more different physically. Under the stress of his command, Knox's weight had ballooned to more than 280 pounds. Lafayette was diminutive, slender, and graceful.

  As Washington, Knox, Greene, and Lord Stirling inspected the troops, the marquis was touched by their spirit and what he described as "a strange spectacle." The soldiers lined up in two rows with taller men in the second file. Their clothes were tattered and shredded. Some soldiers were almost naked; many were barefoot. There was no uniformity of dress among the enlisted men. Some wore hunting shirts, and others gray linen coats. Lafayette would later write of seein
g the troops that day in his memoirs: "In spite of these disadvantages, the soldiers were fine, and the officers zealous; virtue stood in place of science." Washington, in a moment of self-consciousness, said, "We must feel embarrassed to exhibit ourselves before an officer who has just quitted French troops." Lafayette replied, "It is to learn, and not to teach, that I come hither.“5

  That same day, word arrived that the British fleet had turned away from the Delaware Capes and sailed out to sea at 8 A.M. Washington thought that the armada was headed back to New York and that Howe's army would join Burgoyne's advance from Canada against the northern army of Continental troops. On Monday, August 4, Congress appointed General Horatio Gates to lead the 4,500 troops facing Burgoyne. Knox returned to the Delaware to continue construction of the river fortifications, not knowing if the fleet had merely feigned a departure and would return suddenly. A series of chevaux de frize, or sharp wooden spikes, designed to rake open the hulls of approaching ships, was sunk in the river. On Saturday, August 9, Henry sent his plan and recommendations on the Delaware Cape defenses and troop dispersals in its series of forts to Washington, who wrote a lengthy note to Congress incorporating Knox's ideas.