In Search of the Lost Testament of Alexander the Great

by David Grant

  To these we may add the Somatophylax Leonnatus (322 BCE), Alexander’s acting chiliarch Perdiccas (321 BCE), the regent-in-waiting Craterus (321 BCE), the court philosopher Anaxarchus (320 BCE) alongside the Macedonian regent Antipater (319 BCE) and Alexander’s vocal opponent Hyperides who died in 322 BCE on Antipater’s orders. Both Theopompus and his opponent, Anaximenes, died within these years taking their Hellenika and Philippika with them, and there followed ‘… a period when anecdote and fable gradually came to usurp the place of truth’.558 And this sums up well the environment in which the tales of Alexander’s life, and his death, were first put to papyrus, as it becomes apparent when reviewing the historians who gave us the ‘universal comparandum’.

  The Alexander herm ca. 330 BCE following the bronze of Lysippus; perhaps the statue with a bronze lance described by Plutarch Moralia 360d. For a time this was the only known portrait of Alexander, an identification made possible from the still legible frontal inscription. It is potentially a work that comes closest to Lysippus’ original. Unearthed at Tivoli in 1779 it was first gifted to Napoleon by Azara who organised the excavation. It was dedicated to the Louvre in 1803, or after, by Napoleon who was then First Consul, as confirmed by an inscription on the right side.

  NOTES

  1.An adaption of the transcription from H Schaudig Die Inschriften Nabonids von Babylon und Cyrus’ des Großen, Münster, 2001, The Prince of Peace 24, 25 and 26. The translation is a modified version of M Cogan’s published in WH Hallo and KL Younger The Context of Scripture. Vol. II: Monumental Inscriptions from the Biblical World, 2003, Leiden and Boston.

  2.Gautier de Chatillon Alexandreis 3.307-312.

  3.Herodotus 8.109-110 for Themistocles’ warning that no king should rule Asia and Hellas too.

  4.Curtius 5.1.24 reported that ‘most have believed’ Babylon was founded by Belus (alternatively, Marduk), and he added that they were wrong and it was Semiramis; see chapter titled Babylon Cipher and Rosetta Stone for more on its founding.

  5.Curtius 5.1.16 described the Babylonian walls as bitumen cemented, using the bitumen stream that poured from a cavern at nearby Mennis.

  6.Diodorus 17.117.5 stated twelve years and seven months, Arrian 7.28.1 stated twelve years and eight months; a discussion of the calculation of the length of reign can be found in the Loeb Classical Library 1963 edition, p 467 footnote 5.

  7.The Summer Palace might better be termed the ‘Outer Palace’ for its defensive nature; see discussion in Reade (2000) p 20.

  8.Justin 12.16.5 for the eagles and Plutarch 2 for Philip’s dream that he sealed Olympias’ womb with the image of a lion before his son’s birth.

  9.Arrian 7.16-17 and 7.22.1 for the Chaldean warning to Alexander not to enter Babylon.

  10.Quoting Plutarch Moralia 327b, translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1936.

  11.Plutarch 75.1. ‘Magi’ comes from the Old Persian name for ‘priest’; Collins (2008) p 54.

  12.The doctor treating Alexander’s closest companion, Hephaestion, had been executed for failing to cure him the previous year: Arrian 7.14.4, Plutarch 72.3. Alexander executed the seer who predicted a propitious day when his father was murdered; Hammond (1994) p 176 for discussion; a fragment of the report of the trial following Philip’s death is preserved.

  13.Xenophon Cyropaedia 8.7.6 provided a vivid account of Cyrus’ deathbed speech attended by his sons and generals.

  14.As an example of the admiration, Alexander had Cyrus’ tomb repaired and punished those he suspected of tomb-raiding. Discussed in detail in chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius.

  15.Xenophon Cyropaedia 7.6.9 translated by HG Sakyns 2009, Gutenberg e-book project.

  16.Aristotle Magikos fragment 6 cited in Diogenes Laertius book 1 Prologue, section 8-9 On Philosophy. Aristotle’s lost work, On the Pythagoreans, is also said to have discussed the Magi and, or, magic. See discussion in Chroust (1964) p 572 and Momigliano (1977) pp 18-19.

  17.With calendar changes and recalibrations it is not possible to support the exact dating of this event to the modern calendar with any certainty, despite the accuracy of astronomical observations.

  18.Scholars disagree on whether the text on the Cyrus Cylinder really portrays a tolerant regime; see discussion in Kuhrt (1983) pp 83-97 and below.

  19.The tablets are labelled BM 36761 and 36390. For full discussion see Polcaro-Valsecchi-Verderame (2008) pp 55-64. Sprague de Camp (1972) p 141 for a description of the Processional Way.

  20.Arrian 3.16.4,7.17.2, Diodorus 2.9.9, Strabo 16.1.5 for the destruction; Xerxes melted down the gold statue of Marduk for his depleted treasury. Plutarch Aristides 21.2 reported on the sacrifices taking place by the Plataeans in his day.

  21.Following P Briant, Rois, tributs et paysans: études sur les formations tributaires du Moyen-Orient ancient, Pu Franc-Comtoises, 1989, p 330; discussed in Briant (1974) pp 183-184; the contention was also re-asked as a question by R Lane Fox in 2007.

  22.Quoting Bosworth (2004) p 553.

  23.Aristotle Prior Analytics 2.27.

  24.Alexander’s beardless tradition discussed by VA Troncoso in Carney-Ogden (2010) pp 13-24; Plutarch Moralia 180a-b claimed Alexander ordered his men to shave before battle. See Athenaeus 6.260d-261a and 13.565a-b for references to the beardless fashion. Plutarch 4.1-4 for his sweet odour, neck tilt, melting eyes and fair complexion. Aelian 12.14 for his menacing or alarming appearance.

  25.Stewart (1993) pp 341-350 and Carney-Ogden (2010) p 13 for other citations on Alexander’s appearance. Plutarch 4.1-7, Plutarch Moralia 53D and Pyrrhus 8.1 for Alexander’s hair, smell, harsh voice. For his teeth Romance 1.13.3. Plutarch 4 for the Memoirs of Aristoxenus.

  26.The word literally means ‘policy of fusion’ and was first used by Droysen in his Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen (1833) to describe Alexander’s supposed plan.

  27.Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 89 ff for origins of Makedones, and following Anson (1984).

  28.For the influences absorbed by Hesiod, see discussion in West (2008) Introduction vii. See discussion in Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 16 for the origins of the name ‘Macedon’ from The Catalogue of Women, a work once attributed to Hesiod and dating to the 7th or 6th century BCE. Herodotus 7.127.1, 7.128.1, 7.131 for the heartland of Macedonian in the regions of Mt Olympus and Pieria as well as Emathia and Bottiaea. Strabo 7.7.11, Pliny 4.17 Justin 7.1 for the older, perhaps Bronze Age name for Macedonia, Emathia. Quoting Hatzopoulos (1996) p 239 on Emathia. For Marsyas FGrH 135-136, F13; discussed in Hatzopoulos (1996) pp 240-241.

  29.The Catalogue of Ships is found in Homer’s Iliad 2.494-759. Herodotus 2.154.2, Thucydides 2.68.5, Xenophon Cyropaedia 2.3 all stress the commonality of the Greek language; discussed in Anson (2004) p 205 ff.

  30.Both Herodotus and Pausanias were more specific in the identification. For example Pausanias 7.1.5 links Achaeans to the inhabitants of Argolis and Laconia being displaced by the Dorian invasion.

  31.Quoting Iliad line 484-5.

  32.The collective Akhaioi was used almost 600 times in the Iliad, the Danaoi almost 140 times and Argives some 182 times to denote the Greek where Hellenes appeared only once.

  33.Aristotle Meteorologica 1.14.

  34.Pausanias 10.7.6. The Amphictionic League represented an ancient association of tribes with obscure origins.

  35.For Aspasia’s contention see Plato Menexenos 245d.

  36.Herodotus 1.57.3, 1.58.1; quoting E Anson from Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 15 for ‘Greek of Greeks’. Anson (2004) p 193 for Pelasgians. In myth Pelasgos the son of Zeus and Niobe was an Arcadian.

  37.Herodotus 1.56.3 suggested the Dorians inhabited northern Greece before migrating south.

  38.Following C Thomas in Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 65.

  39.Snodgrass (1967) p 48 for discussion of the end of the Greek Dark Age. Finlay (1973) p 161 for the emergence of the symbola. As examples, Polybius 5.104.1, 7.9.3, 7.9.5, 7.9.7, 9.37.7, 38.3.8 Also Polybius 18.18.1 suggested the ‘Greeks’ used the s
arissa and not specifically or exclusively Macedonians. It is highly unlikely all Greece used the sarissa.

  40.Discussion of the pre-Greek population and the non Indo-European vocabulary that survived into Greek in Mallory (1989) pp 66-72. Herodotus 5.58-5.59.1 for the Cadmus and founding of Thebes. RSP Beekes Etymological Dictionary of Greek, Brill, 2009, p 614 for the pre-Greek etymology of Kadmos.

  41.Pausanias: Boeotia 20-24. Aristotle Meteorologika 1.14. Parian Chronicle entry 6: ‘From when Hellen (Ἕλλην) [son of] Deuk[alion] became king of [Phthi]otis and those previously called Graikoi were named Hellenes.’ Strabo 7.328 for the Hellopia of Hesiod. Stephanus of Byzantium Ethnika for Graikos’ origins. Homer Odyssey 14.327 for Odysseus’ visit to Dodona; Iliad 16.233 for Achilles praying to Zeus of Dodona; Malkin (1998) pp 149-150 for discussion. Carney (2006) p 91 for the cults of Dodona.

  42.Aristotle originated from Euboea which perhaps explains his earlier reference. For the various clues to the etymology of Graecus see Homer 2.498, Pausanias 5, Aristotle Meteoroligica 1.352a.

  43.Homer Iliad 2.867.

  44.Loosely attributed to Aristotle Politics 3.14, 1285a.20, but more likely emanating from his ‘school’. Politics 7.1324b for the Macedonian reference as ‘barbarians’ and 1333b38-34a1 for the barbarians deserving their fate; Finlay (1973) pp 156-157 for discussion. Aristotle Politics 1327b 23-28 for the climate discussion. Isocrates Panathenaicus 12.163. Also see the earlier view at Plato Republic 470c-471a; see Tarn 1 (1948) p 9 for discussion.

  45.Hansen (1999) p 55 for the estimated 750 poleis and Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 93 for 1,000 poleis.

  46.Dexippus, for example, termed the Goths ‘Scythians’ in his Skythika.

  47.Thucydides referring to tribes as barbarian at 1.5.3, 1.6.6, 1.47.3, 1.50.3, 2.68.9, 2.80.5, 2.81-82, 3.112.7, 4.124.1, 4.126.3, 4.127.2. He did occasionally distinguish Macedonians from barbarians, as did Ephorus at 16.4.2, 5.71-2. Thucydides 2.99.2 for the distinction of tribes. Hammond argued ‘barbarian’ was used in a cultural not linguistic sense, considering they all spoke dialects of Greek; HGL Hammond, Ancient Macedonia-Deductions and explanation of the term ‘Barbaroi’, published in Ancient Macedonian Ethnicity, Language, Linguistics, Modern Historians, February 2010. Hatzopoulos (1996) p 479 for Upper Macedonians being more ethnically akin to Epirotes.

  48.Polybius 12.4b 2-3, further discussion in Champion (2000) pp 425-444.

  49.Herodotus 8.144.2 defined what it was to be Hellenic. Diogenes Laertius Diogenes 6.63 for Diogenes’ use of kosmopolites. Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 93 for philhellenus. The epithets were granted after Archelaus provided much-needed timber for the Athenian fleet after disaster at Syracuse in 413 BCE.

  50.As pointed put by Anson (2103) p 17 following Pausanias 7.25.6.

  51.Justin 8.5-6.

  52.Thucydides referring to tribes as barbarian at 1.5.3, 1.6.6, 1.47.3, 1.50.3, 2.68.9, 2.80.5, 2.81-82, 3.112.7, 4.124.1, 4.126.3, 4.127.2. He did occasionally distinguish Macedonians from barbarians, as did Ephorus at 16.4.2, 5.71-2. Thucydides 2.99.2 for the distinction of tribes. Hammond argued ‘barbarian’ was used in a cultural not linguistic sense, considering they all spoke dialects of Greek; HGL Hammond, Ancient Macedonia-Deductions and explanation of the term ‘Barbaroi’, published in Ancient Macedonian Ethnicity, Language, Linguistics, Modern Historians, February 2010. Hatzopoulos (1996) p 479 for Upper Macedonians being more ethnically akin to Epirotes. Quoting Hatzopoulos (1996) p 101 following Thucydides 1.5.1 for ‘villages federated into ethne’.

  53.A thorough study on the issue of a distinct Macedonian language or dialect in Anson (2004) pp 191-231.

  54.Anson (2004) p 208.

  55.Athenaeus 3.122a for Attic adopting elements of Macedonian; discussed in Anson (2004) p 209.

  56.Plutarch 51-52 for the Black Cleitus episode in which Alexander demanded his Bodyguard turn out ‘in the Macedonian tongue’. See Borza (1999) pp 42-43 who saw this as a strong case that Macedonians did have a distinct language.

  57.Papyrus PSI 12: 1284. See Goralski (1989) pp 95-96 for full transcription of the fragment and Bosworth (1978) for full discussion.

  58.Plutarch Eumenes 14.5.

  59.See Bosworth (1978) p 236 for Macedonian being considered a wholly separate language in Alexander’s day and Anson (2004) pp 191-231. Livy 31.29.15 and Herodotus 5.22 each claimed Greeks and Macedonians spoke the same language. Livy could have followed Herodotus who might have simply meant the educating or leading Macedonians were able to understand Greek. Andronikos concluded in 1984 that the names on the gravestones at Vergina unequivocally confirm the Macedonians were a Greek tribe. Hammond Philip (1994) for fuller discussion on dialects of Macedonia. Quoting Hatzopoulos (1996) p 77 and p 209. Hammond (1991) p 12 for Cretan immigrants in Bottiaea.

  60.Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 95 for discussion of the Pellan Curse Tablet and its Doric linguistic style; Hammond suggested Aeolic; Anson (2004) p 210 for discussion.

  61.Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 93 for the influences in Macedonian and p 94 for Hesychios.

  62.Andronikos concluded in 1984 that the names on the gravestones at Vergina unequivocally confirm the Macedonians were a Greek tribe. Anson (2013) p 19 for the Greek inscriptions. Quoting Hatzopoulos (1996) p 173 for the pre-Greek names.

  63.Following the point made by Anson (2013) p 18.

  64.Athenaeus 3.122a for Attic adopting elements of Macedonian; discussed in Anson (2004) p 209.

  65.See Billows (1990) p 21 for discussion on the development of the Macedonian court. Hammond (1994) p 43 for discussion of the notable artists invited to the Macedonian court.

  66.Aelian 13.4 for Euripides and Agathon; how late in the reign of Archelaus Pella was founded in disputed. Athenaeus 6.261a for the land grants to foreign hetairoi.

  67.Borza (1995) for the Spartan troop ration of wine; 2 kontylae was approximately 1 pint.

  68.Discussion of Herodotus visiting Macedonia in Hammond (1996) p 67 citing the Suda FGrH 4T 1, ca. 455 BCE.

  69.Demosthenes On The Peace 5.7-8.

  70.Discussed in Wilkins-Hill (2006) p 45 citing Aristophanes Frogs 85, Anaxandrides Protesilaus frag. 41 and Mnesimachus The Horsebreeder where Macedonian luxury is referred to. WS Greenwalt in Carney-Ogden (2010) p 155 for Euphraus at Pella. Flower (1994) p 22 for the presence of Theopompus and Anaximenes. Photius claimed Isocrates influenced the content and style of their works: Flower (1994) pp 42-43 though rejected by him. Hammond (1991) p97 for Theophrastus’ role.

  71.Quoting Hatzopoulos (1996) p 468 on Macedonia’s integration.

  72.As examples of nationalistic calls, Demosthenes 3.24, 9.31-32, Isocrates To Philip 5.154. Green (1974) p 6 for ‘sub-Homeric’ enclave.

  73.Quoting Cicero Orator XXXIV, translation from Routledge Dictionary of Latin Quotations 2005 p 284.

  74.Alexander is derived from alexein, to defend against or repel, and andros the genitive of the noun for ‘man’.

  75.Omphalos is literally ‘navel’ though also a sacred stone such as at the oracle at Delphi. Lenden (2005) p 36. For Alexander’s reference to the poems of Homer as ‘campaign equipment’ see Plutarch Moralia 327f or Fortune 4.

  76.Homer Iliad 2.204 for the wording of Odysseus to quell an uprising in the Greek camp.

  77.Plutarch 3.6. Strabo 14.648 credited Hegesias with founding the Asian style of composition. Cicero Letter XXXV: ad Atticum 6.1 branded him a ‘silly writer’.

  78.For Olympias’ association with the Dionysiac mysteries see Plutarch, 2.5-6, Athenaeus 13.560 ff, Polyaenus 4.1. Pausanias 9.30.7 for Orpheus’ grave.

  79.Plutarch 1 gives us Alexander’s Aeacid descent on his mother’s side from Neoptolemus, and Justin 17.3. Neoptolemus was also known as Pyrrhus; Plutarch Pyrrhus 1-1-4 for his origins and Pausanias 1.11.1, 2.23.6 for Neoptolemus rule of the Molossians; Anson (2004) p 211 for detail, also Carney (2006) p 5. The mythical association is confirmed by Pindar in his Nemean Odes 4.51-53 and 7.38-38. See Arrian 1.11-12 for Alexander’s sacrifice to Priam to avert anger against the famil
y of Neoptolemus.

  80.Molossus inherited Epirus after the death of Helenus, the son of Priam.

  81.Quoting and following the observation of Bosworth (1988) p 39.

  82.For Perseus see Arrian 3.3.2. Also discussed in Thomas (2007) p 200. At Herodotus 7.150 Xerxes claimed the Persians were descended from Perseus whose father was Danae’s son, Perseus. The full text is ‘Men of Argos, this is the message to you from King Xerxes. Perseus our forefather had, as we believe, Perseus son of Danae for his father, and Andromeda daughter of Cepheus for his mother; if that is so, then we are descended from your nation.’ Thus Xerxes claimed to be of the same blood as the Greeks. Heracles was a Perseid four generations after Perseus, so claimed Isocrates in the Busiris 8.36.

  83.Justin 7.1.6 for Midas’ expulsion. Herodotus 1.14 for the son of Gordias, and at 8.138.3 he mentioned the Gardens of Midas in Macedonia. It is certain Alexander would have read Herodotus, for Aristotle had and it would have surely been an educational study topic; see Aristotle Rhetoric 1409a 27 where Aristotle opened with ‘Herodotus of Thurii hereby publishes the results of his enquiries.’ Callisthenes FGrH 124 F 24 for Midas’ wealth coming from iron ore, cited in Hammond (1994) p 5. Hammond (1996) for discussion of early Macedonia and Midas’ dynasty and (1991) p 31 for early genealogies. Strabo 7.3 for origins of the Phrygians; Herodotus 7.73 for Bryges and 8.138 for their coexistence with Macedonians.

  84.Euripides Helen lines 39, 109 as clear examples. Graves (1955) p 283 for the earlier date and Hittite power.

  85.Lineage discussions in Hammond (1996) and in Roisman-Worthington (2010) pp 1-39, Green (1970) pp 20-21, Hammond (1993) pp 5-6, Hammond (1991) pp 12-13, Plutarch 1 and in Greenwalt (1985). Plutarch 2.1 for Caranus founding the Argead line (with similar claims in Satyrus FGrH 631 F1, Theopompus FGrH 115 F 383 and Marysas FGrH 135-6 F14; Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 128. Herodotus 5.22.1, 7.73 and 8.137.8-9 for the link from Temenus to King Perdiccas of Macedonia; Justin 7.1.6 for Caranus’ invasion and the re-founding of Aegae. Diodorus 7.17 for Caranus’ Argive origins. There is in fact uncertainty of the lineage of the early kings of Macedonia; discussed in Greenwalt (1985) pp 43-49. Thucydides 2.99.3 and Herodotus 8.137-9 reported on the Temenid origins from Argos.