In Search of the Lost Testament of Alexander the Great

by David Grant

  233.According to Plutarch, Aesop journeyed to Delphi on a diplomatic mission for Croesus; a fatal one, as it turned out, for he insulted the Delphians who threw him off a cliff; Plutarch’s references to Aesop appeared in On the Delays of Divine Vengeance. Flower (1994) p 162; Theopompus claimed oracular replies were still given in verse not prose in his day.

  234.Plutarch 14.4. Apparently Alexander visited on an ‘inauspicious’ day when replies were forbidden.

  235.Plutarch Moralia 404d or De Pythiae Oraculis 21.

  236.Diodorus 16.26.1-4 described the frenzied state of the Pythia and the priests who interpreted her responses. Plutarch Moralia 437c recorded that the hallucinogenic state was induced by vapours from the Kerna spring arising from fissures in the rock. Modern scholars have questioned this and suggested she spoke coherently.

  237.Arrian 2.3.1 for the acropolis location and Justin 11.7.3-4 for the dedication. ‘Fate’s silent riddle’ as it was described in the Alexandreis of Gautier de Chatillon 2.99. The waggon or chariot was fastened to its yoke by the bark of the cornel tree. See Plutarch 18, Arrian 2.3, Curtius 3.1.14, Justin 11.7.3 for biographical sources narrating the episode.

  238.Justin 11.7.16.

  239.Quoting Pearson (1960) p 157.

  240.Graves (1955) p 282

  241.For Achilles’ shield Arrian 6.8.3, and Arrian 2.7.8 for Alexander’s confirmed familiarity with Xenophon; full discussion in McGroaty 2006 who concludes Arrian’s statement is not proof that Alexander actually read Xenophon. Xenophon’s Hipparchicus advised the pointing forward of the lance between the horses’ ears to make the approaching cavalry appear more fearsome; discussed in Hornblower (1981) p 198.

  242.Xenophon’s Hellenika 6.1.14-16 eulogised Jason’s character. Using the date and title in Hammond (1994) p 11 for Aeneas’ book. Hammond (1994) pp 133-134 for Polyeidos and siegecraft.

  243.Bosworth’s comparison to Cortez in Bosworth-Baynham (2000) pp 23-49.

  244.Quoting Diodorus 17.6.3 on Darius’ genius. According to Curtius 5.11.5 Darius III had some knowledge of Greek. Three distinct offers from Darius were recorded in the extant accounts and confusion between dates exists. Justin 11.12.1-2, Arrian 2.14-15 and Curtius 4.1.7-14 stated Darius demanded Alexander withdraw from Asia after Issus. Arrian mentions no financial offer for the return of the royal family. Arrian 2.25.1 cited the Euphrates, not Halys. The offer of marriage to Barsine and the division of empire is positioned in Curtius after the capture of Tyre. See Curtius 4.5.1-8 and Justin 11.12.3-3. The third offer comes after Alexander departed Egypt and sometime before Gaugamela. See Diodorus 17.39.1-3, 17.54.1-6, Curtius 4.11-12, Arrian 2.25-26, Justin 11.12.7-16, Plutarch 29.4. Some scholars such as Briant (1974) p 52 doubt Darius ever made such an offer.

  245.Romance 2.14-15 and 2.22 for examples of the embellished correspondence between Alexander and Darius.

  246.Diodorus 17.39.1-3 alone recorded the forgery.

  247.Curtius 4.13.4 for Parmenio and his tactical ability. Chapter titled The Rebirth of the Wrath of Peleus’ Son for more on the truce being offered by Darius III to divide the Persian Empire. For Darius’ peace offering(s) and Alexander’s rejection, see Curtius 4.11.1-14, Arrian 2.25.1, Plutarch 29.7-9 and Diodorus 17.54.

  248.Thersippus is mentioned as the envoy in Curtius 4.1.14 and he confirmed the camp was at Marathus at 4.1.6.

  249.Lucian Pro Lapsu 3 has ‘Philippides’. Plutarch Moralia: De Gloria Atheniensium 3 stated it was either Thersippus of Erchea, or Eucles, who ran to Athens with news of the victory at Marathon. Lucian’s name appears to have been taken up by Robert Browning into Pheidippides.

  250.See Heckel (2006) p 264 for discussion. Thersippus seems to have survived the incident, no doubt because Alexander had Darius’ family as hostages and was later honoured by the Nesiotic League for services to Philip and Alexander.

  251.Plutarch 8.2; Arrian 1.11.5 and 15.7-9.

  252.Callisthenes, Ephorus, Damastes, Phylarchus and Duris agreed Ilium fell on the 24th of Thargelion (May-June); confirmed in Plutarch Camillus 19.7; others claimed 12th or 22nd; see Pearson (1960) pp 60-61 and full discussion in Lincoln (2002) pp 1-18. Fragments from ancient historians suggest the following dates BCE: Duris 1334, Life of Homer 1270, Herodotus ca. 1240, Cleitarchus 1234, Dicearchus 1212, Parian Chronicle 1209, Thrasyllus 1193, Timaeus 1193. Apollodorus and the so-called Canon of Ptolemy also dated the fall of Troy; Eratosthenes and his disciples (Apollodorus, Castor, Diodorus, Apollonius, Eusebius) 1184/3; Sosibius 1171, Phanias ca. 1129, Ephorus ca. 1135; detail taken from Mylonas (1964) p 353.

  253.Plutarch 16 for Alexander changing the name of the month of Daesius (May-June) to a second or ‘long’ Artemisius (April).

  254.Plutarch 13 for the Theban link to Dionysus. Aelian 12.57 for the portents heralding on the destruction of Thebes, though the Thebans assumed they signaled the end of the Macedonians. Aelian 13.7 for the exemption from slavery of the families of Philip’s former hosts and the numbers of dead and captured.

  255.Pausanias 9.16.1 for the description of the sanctuary and its roots. Pausanias 3.18.2, 8.32.1, 10.13.3 for the worship of the god in other parts of Greece. Pindar Pythian 4.29 for the reference to Zeus Ammon. Herodotus 1.46, 2.32,52.6 for references to Ammon being equated to Zeus; discussion in Anson (2013) p 97. Early links to Zeus refuted by Tarn (1948) pp 348-351 who nevertheless confirms the presence of a cult to Ammon in Athens before 371/370; Tarn 1 (1948) p 42.

  256.Thebes was termed ‘mean spirited and greedy’ in the Suda A518.1. The preservation of Pindar’s house was mentioned at Arrian 1.9.10. See discussion in Nisetich (1980) pp 10-11. Whilst Eustathius claimed the fine was 1,000 drachmas, Isocrates claimed 10,000.

  257.Pindar Pythian 1, lines 75-80, translation from Nisetich (1980) p 9 though replacing Persians with Medes.

  258.Pindar Pythian 1 lines 62-72. Finlay (1973) p 172 for the importance of the naval industry at Athens. Quoting Borza (1995) p 115 on the ‘flamboyant’ Alexander I.

  259.Plutarch 31.7 related the story of the naming of Gaugamela, the ‘camel’s house’. Dalley (2013) p 97; the name may derive from the Gomela River. Arrian 6.11.5-6 for the actual location of Gaugamela and its relation to Arbela some 500 or 600 stades away (the Attic stade was equivalent to 185 metres or 610.5 feet, whereas the Olympic stade to 176 metres or 580.8 feet). Herodotus 2.6 has a stade at 600 Greek feet (a parasang was equal to 30 stades); discussed in Gershevitch-Fisher-Boyle (1968) p 628.

  260.For the Salamis coins see Stewart (1993) pp 159-160. See Plutarch 34 for his gifts to Croton.

  261.Curtius 4.4.18; for additional siege detail Curtius 4.4.13-17, Arrian 2.24.3-6.

  262.For the journey to Siwa see Diodorus 17.49.2-52.7, Arrian 3.4-5, Curtius 4.7.8-4.89, Plutarch 26.3-27.11, Justin 11.11.1-13, Strabo 17.1.43, Itinerarium Alexandri 48-50.

  263.See Bevan (1927) p 13 for discussion. Recognition of the pharaoh or kings as the son of Ammon-Ra had been common practice since the second millennium.

  264.Varro’s letter discussed in Pearson (1955) p 447.

  265.Lucian Dialogues of the Dead 12, translation from Lucian, Complete Works, Delphi Classics, 2016, p XIV.

  266.According to Strabo 17.1.43 Callisthenes stated Alexander received, uniquely, spoken words from the priests confirming that he was the son of Zeus, whereas nods and signs were used elsewhere. See full discussion of the various versions from Plutarch, Arrian, Diodorus and Justin in Hammond (1993) pp 58-60. Anson (2013) p 97 for the origins of Zeus Ammon.

  267.De Polignac (1999) p 4 for notoriety of the city. Herodotus 4.171 for details of its founding.

  268.Diogenes Laertius Aristippos 1.96; 2.23 and 48-49; 3.29-32; 4.19; 5.3-4 and 39; 8.60 for its hedonistic references. Boardman (1964) p 137 for Cyrenian coinage.

  269.Herodotus 3.25.3, 26.1-3, Plutarch Cimon 12.5 and Plutarch 26.12 mentioned Cambyses’ earlier journey; Arrian 3.3.1 and Strabo 17.1.43 mentioned that Alexander knew Perseus and Callisthenes stated Heracles had visited the oracle before him. See also Robinson (1953) pp 62
-63.4. For discussion on Heracles and Perseus see Bosworth (1988) p 281. The remains of the 50,000-strong army that vanished in 525 BCE were reportedly discovered in 2012 by Angel and Alfredo Castiglioni after thirteen years of research and desert expeditions; report at http://news.discovery.com/history/archaeology/cambyses-army-remains-sahara.htm

  270.The slip of the tongue was recorded in Plutarch 27, though this is hardly likely. Hypostaseis is a substance in which a god could exist in different forms. Strabo 17.1.43 indicated Callisthenes stated the oracle’s reply confirmed Alexander as the son of Zeus. Diodorus 1.28.1-4 for the journeying of Belos and Danaos from Egypt.

  271.Romance 1.32 for the inscription of founder being associated with Alexandria; discussion of its significance in Carney-Ogden (2010) p 127. Only the Romance 1.34.2 claimed Alexander was given the title of pharaoh. Discussed in Anson (2013) p 104 and Tarn (1948) p 347 accepts this as proof Alexander became pharaoh.

  272.De Polignac (1999) p 6.

  273.Plutarch 32 for Alexander sacrificing and his deep sleep.

  274.Curtius 4.10.1-8 for the eclipse and interpretations. Discussion in Hammond (1993) pp 269-270 and Pearson (1960) p 162 with footnote 70. The time between the eclipse and the battle (eleven days) Plutarch 31.8, Pliny 2.180 though ‘some days’ before battle in Arrian 3.7.6. Polcaro-Valsecchi-Verderame (2008) pp 55-64 for discussion of the dating of the eclipse. The Babylonian cuneiform tablet recording the eclipse is referred to as BM 36761 along with 36390. Modern calculations place the eclipse after sunset on the 20th September 331 BCE whereas the battle commenced on 1st October 331 BCE.

  275.The Goddess Selene represented the Moon in Greek mythology and was termed ‘the far shining’ in the Homeric Hymns.

  276.Plutarch 33.2 for Aristander riding before the lines at Gaugamela.

  277.Herodotus 7.37. A translation of the relevant cuneiform table in the British Museum, using extracts from Sachs-Hunger (1988). It somewhat backs up Diodorus’ account at 17.60.2-4 that Darius himself did not order a retreat, but that the ranks around him collapsed, perhaps due to the earlier drop in morale following the celestial portents. The panic in the camp is strangely dated to the 11th of the month (in the sixth month of Darius) when the battle took place on the 24th, with the eclipse reportedly preceding it on the 13th. Yet the same entry recorded or suggested the armies were encamped opposite one another. This actually suggests Curtius’ source might have been correct and the battle actually took place eleven days earlier.

  278.Plutarch 32.5-6 for the run down of Alexander’s panoply. Borza Tombs (1978) pp 112-113 for the Tomb II helmet, which in turn matches the image on the so-called Porus Medallion.

  279.For example the Iliad 11.16 ff; discussed in Mossman (1988) p 88.

  280.Arrian 4.10.3-4 for the alleged dialogue between Philotas and Callisthenes on tyranny. For the return of the statues see Arrian 3.16.7-8. Valerius Maximum claimed Seleucus returned the statues.

  281.Anson (2013) pp 153-156 for the discussion of the themes behind the burning of Persepolis. Curtius 5.5.5-24, Diodorus 17.69.2-9, Justin 11.14.11-12 for the mutilated Greeks.

  282.Arrian 6.30.1 for Alexander’s later regret. See Borza (1995) pp 220-229 for discussion of possible motives for burning Persepolis.

  283.Aelian 2.3, Pliny 32.95, 35.16.12 for the painting by Apelles.

  284.‘Of wild beasts the sycophant, and of tame animals the flatterer’ attributed to Diogenes of Sinope, according to Diogenes Laertius, Diogenes 6.

  285.For examples of divine approbation of being chosen by the gods at Ezra 1.2 for Cyrus declaration, and the wording on the Nabonidus Chronicle, discussed below.

  286.Discussed in Bosworth-Baynham (2000) p 101. Xenophon had proposed Heracles had achieved a divinity due to the nature of his soul. For Heracles’ posthumous elevation to hero see Arrian 4.10.5-7, Diodorus 4.29.1, 5.15.3.

  287.Horace Odes 3.301 claimed of his own poetry ‘I have built monuments more durable than bronze.’

  288.Cicero Pro Archias Poeta (In Defence of Archias the Poet) Exodium 24.

  289.Diogenes Laertius 6.50 Diogenes.

  290.Plutarch Moralia: How to tell a Flatterer from a Friend translation by AR Shilleto, digireads publishing 2011.

  291.Herodotus 1.134 gave a detailed description of proskynesis. See discussion in Stewart (1993) p 13 quoting Curtius 8.5.7-8. Plutarch 45.1 and Curtius 6.6.3 did suggest Alexander initially restricted mandatory proskynesis to Asians. Also Arrian 4.9.9, 10.5.12, 6, Curtius 8.5.5-24, Plutarch 54.2-6 for the introduction of proskynesis and the repercussions.

  292.Curtius 8.5.8.

  293.Plutarch Phocion 2.2 described the use of menoeikes as something soothing and yielding to the soul.

  294.Plutarch 5.8 for Lysimachus’ Homeric comparisons.

  295.Attributed to Aesop The Hart and the Hunter.

  296.Cato’s advice from Cicero Laelius De Amicitia 24.

  297.Homer Iliad 2.212 translated into English blank verse by William Cowper, published by Project Gutenberg, edition 1860. For Penthesileia see chapter titled Mythoi, Muthodes and the Birth of Romance.

  298.Curtius 8.5.8 for Choerilus’ presence with Alexander and Romance 1.42. For Alexander’s payment to the poet see Pomponius Porphyrio’s commentary on Horace’ Epistles ii. 1.232-4. Also Horace Ars Poetica 357 for the derision of Choerilus as poeta pessimus.

  299.Diodorus 16.87.1-2 for Demades chiding Philip. Hammond (1994) p 156 rejects it ever happened.

  300.Plutarch Phocion 1.1. Demades discussed Pearson (1960) p 206; for the proposal of divine honours see Athenaeus 6.251b, Aelian 5.12. He was fined by Athens for the proposal. For the authenticity of Demades’ On the Twelve Years see discussion by VJ Gray in Marasco (2011) p 19 ff.

  301.Pausanias 6.18.2. Also Josephus Against Apion 1.24, Lucan Pseudologos 29, Aelius Aristides To Rome 51; Flower (1994) p 22 footnote 36 for other traditions concerning the Trikaranus. Dionysius of Halicarnassus On Composition 4 thought Anaximenes of Lampsacus ‘weak, unconvincing’ and ‘four-sided’.

  302.Lucian A True History 2.20 and discussed in Gudeman Greeks (1894) p 67.

  303.Discussion of Theopompus’ (and Ephorus’) treatment of Athens vs. Philip in Carney-Ogden (2010) pp 72-73. Theopompus wrote a scathing letter about Harpalus’ behaviour (and Alexander’s hetairoi); recorded at Athenaeus 595a-c.

  304.‘Prosecutor’ from Lucian How to Write History 59. Flower (1994) p 161 on Theopompus’ digressions. Further Cicero thought Theopompus ‘bitter’ and Nepos thought him (and Timeus) ‘most malicious’ (maledicentissimi).

  305.Polybius 8.9.1-3 translation by ES Shuckburg, Macmillan 1889. Polybius’ own astonishment actually superseded the above extract from Theopompus.

  306.Justin 7.1.12 for Philip’s status as the second founder. Polybius 8.9.6-13 and his reference to Theopompus’ Philippics. Reiterated at Athenaeus 10.435b-c and quoting Theopompus’ fragment F225 in Flower (1994) pp 185-186. Flower (1994) p 24 for Theopompus’ exile and p 38 for Theopompus’ encomium to Philip and Alexander. Theopompus’ comments also discussed in Pearson (1960).

  307.Arrian 3.19.5-6 Diodorus 17.76.3, Curtius 6.2.17 for the dismissal of allies. Blackwell (1999) p 55 for discussion of the Peloponnesian contingent; some were members of the league. For more on the revolt of Agis and battle at Megalopolis see chapter titled Sarissa Diplomacy: Macedonian Statecraft.

  308.Following discussion in Atkinson (1963) pp 126-127.

  309.For ‘cloven hoof’ see Robinson (1953) p 7 referring to Tarn’s (1948) p 98 commentary. All the extant accounts confirm otherwise unheard of battle death and casualty ratios in favour of the Macedones. While this is certainly an exaggeration, light casualties are a recurring message against heavy enemy losses. As examples for Issus see Arrian 1.16.2 for Persian cavalry losses and 1.16.4 for Macedonian cavalry losses and 2.11.8 for Persian losses; where only mounted troop numbers were mentioned, Plutarch 20.11-13, Curtius 3.11.27. For Gaugamela see Arrian 3.15.6 for losses on both sides, Diodorus 17.61.3, Curtius 4.16.26. See Pearson (1969)
p 156 and footnote 41 for discussion of Arrian’s statement on casualty numbers, relating them to Companions only where Aristobulus and Justin claimed these were the total killed.

  310.Nicanor had commanded the Guards Brigade of hypaspists until he died in Areia, Philotas the Companion Cavalry until executed, Hector drowned in the Nile; Parmenio’s brother Asander had governed Lydia.

  311.Isocrates To Philip 16.

  312.Pseudo-Plutarch Isocrates, Pseudo-Lucian Makrobioi 23 with a similar tradition in Dionysius of Halicarnassus Attic Orators, Life of Isocrates 3.2, Pausanias 1.18.1, Flavius Philostratus Lives of the Sophists 17. Other corroborating claims in anonymous ‘lives’ remain.

  313.See Bosworth-Baynham (2000) p 97. Michael Flower suggested the destruction of Thebes and the restoration of Plataea were symbolic of Panhellenic policy.

  314.Timaeus fragment 139 cited by Shipley (2000) p 263 and quoting Momigliano (1977) p 46 on Timaeus’ attitude.

  315.According to the Behistun Inscription (as well as Herodotus, Justin and Ctesias), in 522 BCE Gaumata, allegedly a Magus from Media, impersonated Bardiya the brother of Cambyses II (son of Cyrus the Great) who was campaigning in Egypt. Bardiya had been secretly murdered by Cambyses before he departed and Gautama seized the throne for some seven months. Greek tradition called him Smerdis and then the ‘False Smerdis’ once the background to his usurpation was revealed. The various reports of the episode conflict, as do names and his legitimacy. The imposter was stabbed to death in September 522 BCE by seven Persian nobles who had discovered his true identity.

  316.For the capture and execution of Darius by Bessus and Nabarzanes see Curtius 5.9-12 and 5.13.15-25, Arrian 3.21.1-10, Diodorus 17.73.2 and for Bessus’ final capture see Curtius 7.15.19-26 and 36-38, Arrian 3.29.6-3.30.5 Also Arrian 3.25.3 for his proclaiming himself king.

  317.Curtius 4.14.21 for Alexander describing the Macedonian army as ‘storm-tossed by changing fortune’.

  318.Curtius 3.6.18 for attributions to fortune. For the episode with Sisines, Curtius 3.7.11-15.

  319.Curtius 3.8.20 for Alexander fearing Fortuna on the eve of the battle at Issus.