In Search of the Lost Testament of Alexander the Great

by David Grant

  177.See Stewart (1993) pp 52-59. The three-stage elevation from youth to god was proposed by Himmelmann in 1989 in Herrsher und Athlet: Die Bronzen vom Quirinal, Milan p 57-58.

  178.Quoting Poseidippus from a recently discovered epigram from the Milan Papyrus. The full title of the papyrus is Papyrus Milano Vogl. VIII 309.

  179.Pliny 7.125 and 37.8 stated that only Apelles, Lysippus and Pyrgoteles were allowed to make likenesses of Alexander.

  180.Discussed in Pollitt (1972) p 174. Plutarch 4 also suggested Apelles painted Alexander with too ruddy a complexion. Plutarch Moralia 335a, Plutarch 4.3 for the thunderbolt.

  181.The rivalry was recorded by Lucian on Calumny 59.15 but appears a jest or a misidentification with a later painter. Carney-Ogden (2010) p 129 for the roots of the Ptolemaic eagle. See discussion in Baynham (1998) p 85. Baynham suggested Ptolemy may have started the rumour himself in his history.

  182.Pliny 35.110 for Cassander’s painting; Borza Tombs (1987) p 111 for discussion of its later copy. Discussed in Stewart (1993) p 30 following descriptions in Pliny books 34-36.

  183.Stewart (1993) p 279 for the monuments at Olympias.

  184.Plutarch Aemilius 12, Polybius 5.10 for the suggestion that Antigonid kings were from Alexander’s line. Herodian 1.3.3.

  185.Hammond (1991) p 31 for the inscription.

  186.See discussion in Stewart (1993) p 230 and following Stewart (1993) p 235 for Alexikakos; p 245 for the portraits in the Tychaion.

  187.For the dating of Demetrius’ Peri Tyches see discussion in Bosworth-Baynham (2000) p 299; Demetrius stated the fifty-year rise of Macedon, which would logically date from Philip II’s reign from ca. 360 BCE, suggesting it was written around 310 BCE. Polybius gave further guidance stating that Demetrius published some 150 years before the end of the Third Macedonian War culminating in the battle at Pydna in 168 BCE. It is a very loose triangulation but suggests Demetrius’ work was one of the first treatises to deal with Alexander in a meaningful philosophic way.

  188.Cicero Philippicae Oration 5.5.

  189.Hadley (1974) pp 50-65. Discussion by VA Troncoso in Carney-Ogden (2010) pp 21-22 on the Diadokhoi unshaven imagery and emulation of Alexander on coins.

  190.Athenaeus 12.537e cited Ephippus as claiming Alexander dressed as Ammon, Artemis and Hermes. In particular the wearing of purple raiment and slit sandals with Ammon-style horns ‘just as the god’s’. Stewart (1993) p 319 for the observation that once the Vulgate template was circulating, the imagery attached to Ammon was most likely reinvigorated.

  191.Borza-Palagia (2007) p 97.

  192.The epigonoi referenced here are distinct from the 30,000 Asiatic soldiers who had been trained and armed in Macedonian style. Here sons of Macedonian soldiers are being referred to under the same general heading as ‘offspring’. Diodorus 17.110.3 for their education funding, Justin 12.4.1-11 for Alexander’s payment to men with Asiatic offspring, Arrian 7.4.8 and Plutarch 70.3 for the newlyweds receiving gifts. For Alexander considering them replacements for their fathers see Arrian 7.12.3, Plutarch 71.9, and Curtius 8.5.1. Full discussion in Roisman (2012) p 58.

  193.Appian Syrian Wars 64; Justin 15.3.11–14. See Heckel (2006) p 155 for opinion of these later fabrications to Lysimachus’ story.

  194.Justin 17.1.1-3 for the destruction of Lysimachia.

  195.For the assumption of the titles of kings and coin images see Bellinger (1979) pp 86-87.

  196.For the design on the Ptolemaic gold staters see Erskine (2002) p 175.

  197.Quoting Adams (1996) p 30. The appointments described in Arrian 3.5.2-3 give a hint of the complexity of the administrative structure Alexander was employing in managing Egypt. Boardman (1964) p 131 for prostatai.

  198.Justin 15.4 for the origins of the Seleucid anchor symbol; compare to Appian Syriaka 56. For the anchor device see Hadley (1969) p 143.

  199.Following GG Aperghis in Archibald-Davies-Gabrielson (2005) pp 27-40 and p 37 for tax rates and pp 52-53 for argyrion and chrysion; Aristotle Nicomachean Ethics 5.1133b for his comment on coined money.

  200.For coinage essays see Cunningham (1884) and Stewart pp 314-323. The Attic tetradrachm standard of 17.62 grams was replaced with the Rhodian weight of 15.50 grams by Ptolemy in 310 BCE and the other successors followed; see discussion in Bellinger (1979) p 2 and p 86 and Archibald-Davies-Gabrielson (2005) p 46. Also discussed in Stewart (1993) p 241; Ptolemaic coin hoards suggest few or no foreign coins were in circulation in Egypt thereafter. Hadley (1974) pp 50-65. Finlay (1973) p 167 for the electrum dilemma. Electrum was available naturally from the silt of the River Pactolus, which flowed through Sardis and which may have started the trend, though controlled gold and silver ratios became the norm.

  201.Meijer-Nijf (1992) p 62 for discussion of the new bronze coinage and the associated suspicion. Bellinger (1979) p 1 for the early Lydian coinage and its bullion value. Rostovtzeff (1936) p 244 for copper drachmas in Egypt.

  202.Herodotus 1.94 for the origins of Lydian currency and the resulting trade. Bellinger (1979) p 1 for the suggestion that currency commenced in Lydia with court payment to mercenaries. Aristotle however claimed coins were introduced by Damodice of Cyrme, the wife of King Midas. Julius Pollux Onomasticon 9.83 summarised the traditions; Xenophon too credited the origins to Lydia.

  203.Green (2007) p XXXVII though this is disputed and arguments have been put forward that the Poseidon coins actually belonged to Antigonus Doson. See Hammond-Walbank (1988) p 594.

  204.Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 52 for the twenty-six mints operating in Alexander’s lifetime. Stewart (1993) pp 328-330 for the last Alexander coinage.

  205.Carney-Ogden (2010) p 129 for Aelian’s version of Ptolemy’s illegitimate birth.

  206.Archibald-Davies-Gabrielson (2005) pp 144-149 for royal banks and lending systems.

  207.The Greek triereis stemmed from three tiers of oars though larger number-denominated ships probably corresponded to numbers of oarsmen per oar. Aristotle credited the Carthaginians with building the first quadriremes; Diodorus credited Dionysius of Syracuse with inventing the hexareis. Full discussion of ship design in the Hellenistic era in Casson (1971).

  208.Full discussion of the trieres arrangement in Morrison-Coates-Rankov (2000) p 8 ff and p 131 for name derivations and p 161 ff for the outrigger.

  209.Murray (2012) pp 189-190 for the cost of running a trireme. Mercenary pay was generally 4 obols per day (a drachma was 6 obols). However between 400 and 350 BCE the pay rate had fallen from possibly as much as 8 obols to 4; Griffiths (1935) p 297. Cavalry might be paid several times this sum when including provisions for their mounts. Discussion in Champion (2014) p 184.

  210.Athenaeus 8.333 a-b.

  211.Curtius 10.1.19. Murray pp 269-278 for the sources and texts referring to ‘sixes’ to ‘tens’.

  212.Diodorus 19.62.8-9 for Antigonus’ fleet.

  213.Diodorus 20.85.2 for a description of the floating booms. Murray (2012) p 135, p 176 and p 290 ff for further description of the harbour defences and booms.

  214.Diodorus 20.83.1; Murray (2012) pp 279-282 for sources and texts citing the largest ships (16s to 40s).

  215.Plutarch Demetrius 20.4. Murray (2012) p 145 for description of the catapults employed.

  216.Plutarch Demetrius 43.4.

  217.Plutarch Demetrius 32.1 for his raiding the 1,200 talents from Cyinda. Xenophon Hellenika 6.1.11 and Theophrastus Enquiry into Plants 5.2.1 for Macedonian timber being sourced by Athens.

  218.Plutarch Demetrius 31.3-4.

  219.Plutarch Demetrius 20.4 for the display of naval power to Lysimachus.

  220.Plutarch Demetrius 32.2 for the ship with thirteen banks of oars and 31.4-32.3 for Pleistarchus’ activity.

  221.Plutarch Demetrius 43-44 for Demetrius’ shipbuilding and new army.

  222.Griffiths (1935) p 300 for discussion of the fines levied on Greek cities and p 309 for Demetrius’ pay.

  223.For the pirates in the employ of the Diadokhoi see Ormerod (1997) pp 12-123 citing Di
odorus 20.82, 20.83, 20.97, 20.110 and Polyaenus 4.6.18. Quoting Griffiths (1935) p 52 for the pirates operating against Rhodes for Demetrius Poliorketes ‘special enemy’.

  224.Lysimachus did not acquire control of Heraclea until 289 BCE. See Tarn (1910) p 211. Casson (1971) p 110 for the reference to its possible catamaran-like structure. Diodorus 21.13 for the treasure hoard.

  225.Photius’ epitome of Memnon’s History of Heraclea Book 13; Murray (2012) pp 171-172 for further discussion of the ‘super-eight’ Leontophoros.

  226.Murray (2012) p 8 for discussion on the naming protocol and the corresponding numbers.

  227.For a discussion of the battle at Kos see Casson (1971) pp 138-139. Athenaeus 5.203d for the fleet make-up. Bagnall-Derow (2004) p 250 for the papyrus text for the felling of trees.

  228.As described by Athenaeus 598c and Plutarch Demetrius 43.4.

  229.Ormerod (1997) p 29 for the hemiolia and myoparones.

  230.Plato Laches 183d for the use of the spear-sickle; discussed in Hanson (1991) p 24.

  231.Full discussion of the seafaring warfare manoeuvres in Whitehead (1987) and Lazenby (1987). See Thucydides 2.89.8 for a description of the manoeuvres. Murray (2012) p 32 ff and p 52 for image and description of the Athlit-styled ram.

  232.The ship was described in Athenaeus 5.40-44 drawing from the earlier description of Moschion of Phaselis.

  233.The Moor, Idrisi visited Alexandria in 1115 and reported that the Pharos still stood; Vrettos (2001) p 33 for discussion. It probably fell in the earthquake of 1365 though by 1165 a small mosque had replaced the beacon at its summit.

  234.Cassius Dio 59.10 for the financial crisis; also Suetonius Caligula 37-41 for Caligula’s fundraising schemes and expenditure; Cassius Dio 59.15 for the redirected Wills.

  235.Quoting Lattey (1917) p 327.

  236.Quoting from Bosworth-Baynham (2000) p 129.

  237.For a full transcription of the stele found in Cairo in 1871, now referred to as the Satrap Stele, see Bevan (1927). Diodorus 19.81.5,19.81.4,19.85.3, 19.75.2,19.80.3 for the suggestion that Seleucus fought beside Ptolemy in a joint command at Gaza and for events surrounding it. McKechnie (1999) pp 53-54 for discussion on Ptolemy position and recognition of year seven of King Alexander IV.

  238.Dalley (2013) p 125 for an image of the cylinder inscription of Antiochus and Stratonice. Strabo 15.3.8 for Onesicritus’ wording from Darius’ tomb: ‘I was friend to my friends; as horseman and bowman I proved myself superior to all others; as hunter I prevailed: I could do everything’; translation from Pearson (1960) p 165.

  239.Plutarch Demetrius 41.4.

  240.Plutarch Demetrius 24.1 for his womanising and 1.7 for his character traits. Plutarch Demetrius 10.13-22 for the lodging.

  241.Plutarch Demetrius 10.13-22 for his retaking of Athens and his honours. Plutarch Demetrius 10.4; every fifth year at the Panathenaic festival a sacred robe was carried in solemn procession and deposited with the goddess Athena on the Acropolis. On it were represented the exploits of the goddess, particularly in the Battle of the Giants; quoting footnote 8 from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1920.

  242.Plutarch Demetrius 10.13-22. Diodorus 20.46.4, 150,000 medimnoi is about 230,000 bushels of grain. Billows (1990) p 287 for Antigonus’ grain industry.

  243.The extension of the Athenian tribes discussed in Habicht (1999) p 68. Plutarch Demetrius 11-12 for the activity of Stratocles.

  244.Diodorus 20.102.1-4 for the divine honours from Sicyon; for the honours paid by Scepsis and the League of Islanders see Bagnall-Derow (2004) p 8; fuller discussion in Scott (1928). Quoting Bagnall-Derow (2004) pp 8-9 and for Scepsis’ reply. Kebric (1977) p 5 for Samos’ festival to the Antigonids.

  245.Diodorus 20.46 for the efforts of 307/6 BCE, Diodorus 20.102 and Plutarch Demetrius 25 for the charter of the Hellenic League’s fragments in Bagnall-Derow (2004) pp 16-18.

  246.Athenaeus 542b-e described the depraved behaviour of Demetrius of Phalerum who had 1,200 talents at his disposal. Quoting Momigliano (1977) p 44; pp 43-45 for discussion of Demochares. For Demetrius of Phalerum’s exile there are many sources, most fully accounted in Plutarch On Exile 7 601F-602A, Cicero On Ends 5.19.53-54, Plutarch How to tell a Flatterer from a Friend 28 69 C-D; full texts in Fortenbaugh-Schütrumpf (2000) pp 75-81. However upon taking Athens, Demetrius Poliorketes allowed Demetrius to be escorted safely to Thebes before he journeyed to Egypt; Plutarch Demetrius 9.2.

  247.Pausanias 1.25.6 called him a tyrant. Athenaeus 539e-f for Diyllus’ statement that Demetrius was known as ‘gracelid’; full text in Fortenbaugh-Schütrumpf (2000) p 35.

  248.Euripides Alkestis line 780.

  249.Strabo 9.1.20 and also Plutarch Political Precepts 27 820E; see full citation in Fortenbaugh-Schütrumpf (2000) p 65. In contrast Pliny 34.12.27 recorded 360 statues were destroyed. Favorinus reported 1,500 statues were pulled down in one day; see Fortenbaugh-Schütrumpf (2000) p 65 for full text. For chamber pots see Plutarch Moralia 820e.

  250.Plutarch Demetrius 10.2. Strabo 9.1.20 full citation in Fortenbaugh-Schütrumpf (2000) p 53. Demetrius controlled Athens from 317-307 BCE. Fortenbaugh-Schütrumpf (2000) p 333 for the positive sources.

  251.O’Sullivan (2009) p 5 quoting Peter Green.

  252.Plutarch Phocion 35.2.

  253.Bagnall-Derow (2004) pp 24-26 for honours to Lysimachus.

  254.Justin 15.4 for the origins of the Seleucid anchor symbol; compare to Appian Syriaka 56.

  255.Arrian 7.22.5, Appian Syrian Wars 56 for Seleucus and the diadem in the marshes near Babylon.

  256.Hadley (1974) p 58 and Justin 15.4.1-6 for Laodice’s union with Apollo. Bagnall-Derow (2004) pp 32-33 for Ilion’s decree and pp 41-42 for the Ionian League.

  257.Plutarch Aemilius 33 for a description of the drinking bowls. Full discussion of Hellenistic deification in Scott (1928) pp 137-166.

  258.Pausanias 1.8.6. There is still a debate whether he gained the epithet Soter due to his actions at the Rhodian siege. The first mention of the title comes from coins issued by Ptolemy Philadelphos in 263 BCE. See discussion in Green (2007) p 45. Details of the Helepolis in Diodorus 20.48.2; for the siege of Rhodes, see Diodorus 20.91.1-4 and Plutarch Demetrius 20.5-21.2 where it is suggested the Rhodians actually asked Demetrius to leave them some siege engines ‘to remind them of his power as well as their own bravery’.

  259.Diodorus 20.100.1-4 for Rhodian honours. De Polignac (1999) p 7 for the Alexandrian festival of Ptolemaia.

  260.See discussion on Hellenistic epithets in Iossif-Chankowski-Lorber (2007). Technically an epithet suggests a name ‘imposed upon’ or ‘added to’ from the Greek epithetos.

  261.Polybius 5.27.5-7 suggests the Macedonians took Philip V to task over his treatment of a commander.

  262.Plutarch Demetrius 18.2. ‘European at heart’ is quoting Errington (1990) p 147. Miller (1991) p 51 for the observation that Cassander’s ‘state burial’ of Philip III was a declaration of basileia; Polyaenus 9.10.1 and George Syncellus Ekloge Chronographias 504 ff. Miller (1991) p 53 for Cassander presiding over the Nemean Games. Roisman-Worthington (2010) p 53 for Cassander’s coinage.

  263.Following the argument of Lattey (1917) p 330 on ‘godhead’.

  264.Diodorus 19.52.1-2, Justin 14.6.13, Heidelberg Epitome FGrH 155 F2.4 Diodorus 19.61.2 for Antigonus’ accusation that the marriage was forced upon Thessalonice. Quoting Diodorus 19.52.1. Quoting Carney (1991) pp 20-21.

  265.A third son, Philip, was too ill to govern Macedonia for long and soon died of tuberculosis. Events well covered in Plutarch Demetrius 36.1-2.

  266.For Antipater’s murder by Lysimachus and Alexander’s death by Demetrius, the principal sources are Plutarch Demetrius, 36.1-37.3, Plutarch Pyrrhus 6.2-7.1, Pausanias 9.73-4, Diodorus 21.7.1, Justin 16.1.5, Eusebius 123.1.

  267.Anson (2014) p 127 for the fifty settlements of Seleucus. Strabo 12.8.15 and Livy 38.13.5 for the founding of Apamea. Appian Syrian Wars 57 stated Seleucus Nikator named three cities after her; also Strabo 16.2.4. Archibald-Davie
s-Gabrielson (2005) p 29 ff for other Seleucid cities; Ammianus Marcellinus 14.8.6, Appian Syrian Wars for other estimates of city numbers.

  268.Hornblower (1981) pp 114-115 for Antigonus’ campaign that destroyed parts of Babylon. Josephus 12.3-4 for the relocation of the Jewish population.

  269.Diodorus named Seleucus’ new city Seleucia, but it is more likely Antiochia, named after his father. See Diodorus 20.47.6 and footnote 4 in the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1954. Diodorus 20.47.5 for the size and founding of Antigonea.

  270.Thapsacus discussion in Gawlikowski (1996) pp 123-133.

  271.Following observation and discussion in Billows (1990) p 323. Bagnall-Derow (2004) pp 11-15 for Antigonus’ letters to Teos.

  272.Peucestas may have been active at the court of Demetrius Poliorketes and died of natural causes, but he did not play a major role in events; see Heckel (2006) p 205 for discussion and sources. Nepos 21 Of Kings 3 did claim Philadelphos killed his father but this appears hearsay and is preceded with ‘it is said’.

  273.Plutarch Demetrius 47.4 for his pleas. Plutarch Demetrius 50.2 for Demetrius’ final surrender and 50-52 for his subsequent decline to death. Also Diodorus 21.20.1 for Lysimachus’ offer of 2,000 talents to have Demetrius killed.

  274.Diodorus 21.20 for Lysimachus’ offer of 2,000 talents for the death of Demetrius.

  275.Plutarch Demetrius 35.2, translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1920.

  276.Sophocles Oedipos epi Kolono 1f, following Plutarch Demetrius 46.5, translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1920. The original lines were: ‘O child of a blind and aged sire, Antigone, what are these regions?’

  277.The Syrian Chersonese may have been Apamea or not inconceivably Triparadeisus as game parks were referred to. Diodorus 21.20.1 named it Pella though that seems to have become a general term for an enclosed settlement of stone, hence the derivation of the name; in Doric Greek ‘pella’ is ‘stone’. Plutarch Demetrius 53.4 for his line extending down to Perseus. Plutarch Demosthenes 3.2 for the proverb.