The Last Great Senate

by Ira Shapiro

  59 “incremental idealism”: Roger H. Davidson, David, M. Kovenock, and Michael K. O’Leary, Congress in Crisis: Politics and Congressional Reform (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1966), pp. 5–6, used the term, which began as a guidepost for the temporary committee’s efforts.

  59 Byrd and Baker could take satisfaction: Richard E. Cohen, “Byrd of West Virginia,” National Journal, August 20, 1977, in which Byrd repeated his support and added: “I’d like to see the number of committees and subcommittees further reduced.”

  59 chemistry between Carter and Jackson was terrible: Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 100, 225; Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, pp. 239, 3 39–344, 366–367.

  59 “We whipped his ass in the Pennsylvania primary”: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson , p. 341, quoting Thomas Foley’s recollection of Jordan’s statement to him.

  CHAPTER 4: HAWK AND DOVE

  62 convince Johnson that he was pursuing a disastrous course: Oberdorfer, Senator Mansfield, pp. 211–347, and Woods, Fulbright, pp. 360–452, present the most comprehensive discussions of the dissents of key senators, but the biographies of Frank Church, George McGovern, Albert Gore Sr., Wayne Morse, and others hammer home the same point.

  62 haunted by doubts about the course he had chosen: Woods, LBJ, pp. 677–678, 731; Dallek, Flawed Giant, pp. 277–278, 283.

  62 He mocked Mansfield as a weak-kneed professor: Oberdorfer, Senator Mansfield, p. 239.

  62 and Fulbright as a racist: Woods, Fulbright, p. 427.

  62 Johnson coldly told the senators: Ibid., pp. 374–375.

  63 Kerry brought the human costs of the war home: Douglas Brinkley, Tour of Duty: John Kerry and the Vietnam War (New York: William Morrow, 2004), pp. 370–373.

  63 “You don’t see any hawks around here”: Ibid., p. 361.

  64 “[Scoop] had a fixidity of purpose”: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, p. 17.

  64 twenty-six-year-old Jackson sought the office: Ibid., pp. 25–30.

  64 The threat posed by the Soviet Union: Ibid., pp. 53–70, 95–105, 200–223, 242–260, 341–391.

  65 a network of defense experts and scientists: Ibid., p. 213–214, 259.

  65 Bob Packwood still spoke in awe: Interview with Senator Bob Packwood, July 19, 2010. The debate between Jackson and Symington took place in an unusual closed session of the Senate on July 17, 1969. Jackson took on Senators Fulbright and Cooper as well, but he directed most of his fire at Symington, the former secretary of the Air Force, whom he disliked intensely. “He upstaged Symington by producing bigger charts than the Missouri senator illustrating the precipitous expansion of the Soviet nuclear buildup.” A Washington Post editorial called Jackson “far and away the most effective advocate of the Safeguard system as a defense of the U.S. land based missile deterrent.” Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, p. 211.

  66 Jackson virtually stymied the Nixon-Kissinger policy of détente: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, pp. 242–243.

  66 Kissinger ruefully recognized: Ibid., pp. 299–300, quoting Kissinger’s memoirs, Henry A. Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (Boston: Little, Brown, 1982), pp. 984–985, 991. Commenting on the fierce fight with Jackson over détente and the emigration of Soviet Jews, Kissinger stated that “Jackson was not a man to welcome debate over firmly-held convictions; he proceeded to implement his by erecting a series of legislative hurdles that gradually paralyzed East-West policy. He was aided by one of the ablest—and most ruthless—staffs that I encountered in Washington.” Kissinger’s battles with Jackson made him “long for the relative tranquility of the Middle East.

  66 the moment was at last right: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, pp. 301–322.

  66 “not going to elect an anti-Soviet hardliner”: Ibid., p. 316, quoting Senator Moynihan.

  67 Jackson’s hopes were dashed: Ibid., pp. 352–353.

  67 Jackson had known Sorensen since the mid-1950’s: Ted Sorensen, Counselor: Life at the Edge of History (New York: Harper, 2008), pp. 95, 97–100, 490.

  67 the most wrong-headed person imaginable: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, pp. 358–361. Alan Weisman, Prince of Darkness: Richard Perle: The Kingdom, the Power and the End of Empire in America (New York: Union Square Press, 2007), p. 52: “Warnke was the personification of everything Jackson and Perle loathed about the liberal approach to arms control, which was, to their minds, appeasement and accommodation.”

  67 “We can be the first off the treadmill”: Paul Warnke, “Apes on a Treadmill,” Foreign Policy, Spring 1975.

  68 Jackson imagined the Soviet Union as a burglar: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, p. 249.

  68 A central aspect of the Nixon-Kissinger policy of détente: Ibid., pp. 245–253.

  69 Kissinger described the summit: Ibid., p. 254.

  69 had not been caught up in the general euphoria: Ibid., pp. 254–258.

  69 Jackson condemned the results of Vladivostok: Ibid., pp. 288–289.

  70 intensely committed to seeking a new approach: Betty Glad, An Outsider in the White House: Jimmy Carter, His Advisors, and the Making of American Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), pp. 43–48.

  70 startled the wily and experienced Russian: Ibid., pp. 43–48.

  70 “McGovernism without McGovern”: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, p. 365, quoting Eugene Rostow, after a meeting between Carter and the Committee on the Present Danger.

  70 testified strongly against Warnke: Pat Towell, “Foreign Relations Approval of Warnke Expected Despite Concerted Opposition Effort,” Congressional Quarterly, February 12, 1977.

  71 Byrd’s comments were much more negative: “Both Sides Step up Warnke Word War,” Washington Post, February 12, 1977.

  71 predicting that Warnke would be confirmed by a wide margin: Norman Kempster, “Overwhelming Confirmation of Warnke Is Seen by Byrd,” Los Angeles Times, February 18, 1977.

  71 no Republican made the case as powerfully as Jackson: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, pp. 360–361.

  72 senators had come to doubt his intellectual honesty: Pat Towell, “Carter Assurances Secure Victory on Warnke,” Congressional Quarterly, March 12, 1977.

  72 Warnke had been put on notice: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, p. 361.

  72 an opportunity to gain Jackson’s support: Ibid., pp. 361–364; Glad, Outsider in the White House, pp. 108–109.

  73 “taken a giant step in cutting back on arms levels”: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson , pp. 365–367.

  73 “everything is in the sunshine”: Murrey Marder and George C. Wilson, “Jackson Lauds U.S. Arms Proposal as ‘Sensible,’” Washington Post, April 6, 1977.

  73 breakthrough on information sharing: Murrey Marder, “President Discloses Key SALT Elements,” Washington Post, May 27, 1977.

  73 “And both are tenuous”: Murrey Marder, “SALT Diplomacy Shifts to Capitol Hill,” Washington Post, May 30, 1977.

  73 pursuing Jackson was futile: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson, pp. 364–370; Glad, Outsider in the White House, pp. 108–109, make it clear that Carter went to great lengths to try to gain Jackson’s support, but the effort was “counterproductive. He would never win Jackson over to a SALT agreement that the Soviets would sign.” Glad, Outsider in the White House, p. 108.

  74 Jackson’s brilliant and hyperactive staff members: Kaufman, Henry M. Jackson , pp. 360, 364, 366; Weisman, Prince of Darkness, pp. 51–56. Leaks of confidential briefings by Jackson’s staff were an intense concern of Senate SALT II advocates. Interview with Senator John Culver, April 15, 2010.

  74 issued its report on the prospects: “Senate Delegation Report on American Foreign Policy and Non-Proliferation Interests in the Middle East.” The delegation issued its report on the prospects for peace in the Middle East and U.S. policy toward Iran on February 10, 1977. The complete trip report was printed on May 10, 1977, pursuant to S. Res. 167.

  74 The five days spent in Iran: “Senate Delegation Report,” pp. 17–22.

  75 Iran . . . “an essential ally”: Ibid., pp. 17–19.

  75 “the positive goals of the human rights movement”: Ibid., pp. 20–2
1.

  75 was much too optimistic: Ibid., additional views of Senators Culver and Eagleton, pp. 23–28.

  76 “a highly personalized relationship”: Culver-Eagleton views, ibid., p. 23.

  76 “emerging from extreme underdevelopment”: Ibid., p. 25.

  76 “Iran is an authoritarian nation”: Ibid., p. 28.

  76 “as other presidents had before me”: Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 435.

  76 a serious threat from the liberal wing: Wilentz, Age of Reagan, pp. 78–81; Mondale, Good Fight, pp. 192–195.

  77 He did not hold back very long. George McGovern, “Memo to the White House,” Harper’s, October 1977, pp. 33–35, refers to an earlier speech in April.

  78 McGovern began driving across South Dakota: George McGovern, Grassroots: The Autobiography of George McGovern (New York: Random House, 1977), pp. 53–67. The summary of McGovern’s career draws heavily on his autobiography.

  78 “refined in the fires of opposition”: Ibid., p. 54.

  78 “we just cost that nice guy a Senate seat”: Ibid., p. 83.

  78 McGovern won the South Dakota Senate seat by 200 votes: Ibid., p. 91.

  78 focused a spotlight on hunger in America: Ibid., pp. 84–87, 270–271; Mondale, Good Fight, pp. 34, 50, 91, 95; Marjorie Hunter, “Senators on Hunger Tour See Squalor in Florida,” New York Times, March 11, 1969.

  78 Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs: Robert Sam Anson, McGovern: A Biography (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972), pp. 218–242.

  79 not immediately drawn to him: Interview with Marshall Matz, May 10, 2010.

  79 expressed his opposition to war in September 1963: McGovern, Grassroots, p. 97.

  79 “This chamber reeks with blood”: Ibid., p.167, from his Senate speech given on September 1, 1970 (“Nearly the entire Senate was there to hear it”).

  79 chaired the Democratic Party’s commission: Ibid., pp. 128–154.

  81 suffered the worst loss in the history of presidential elections: Ibid., pp. 188–249, is his detailed recounting of the 1972 general election campaign. McGovern’s campaign, and the choice of Senator Thomas Eagleton to be his running mate, have, of course, been written about widely: for example, White, Making of the President 1972.

  81 “letting everyone kick me in the ass”: Ibid., pp. 253–256; interview with John Holum, March 31, 2010.

  81 rousing reception at the Democratic mid-term convention: McGovern, Grassroots , pp. 258–259. Spirits buoyed, McGovern gave thought to seeking the presidency again, but was dissuaded by his advisors. However, several of them came up with a novel plan that he should approach Hubert Humphrey about them running together, with Humphrey as the presidential nominee. McGovern did so, but ultimately, Humphrey, surprised and flattered, but torn about seeking the presidency for the fourth time, decided against it. Ibid., pp. 260–261.

  81 recognized the brilliance of Jimmy Carter’s campaign: Ibid., pp. 262–263.

  81 blistering assault on Carter’s first eight months: McGovern, “Memo to the White House.”

  CHAPTER 5: THE APPEARANCE OF IMPROPRIETY

  84 a widespread feeling that corruption was rampant in America: Dominic Sandbrook, Mad as Hell: The Crisis of the 1970’s and the Rise of the Populist Right (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011), pp. 10–11.

  84 just two out of ten Americans trusted the government: Ibid., p. 11.

  84 the two leading environmentalists of their era: Bill Christofferson, The Man from Clear Lake: Earth Day Founder Senator Gaylord Nelson (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2004), p. 173; interview with Leon Billings, February 19, 2010.

  84 Nelson was known for his wry wit: Ibid., pp. 187–196.

  85 he forged his identity as the “conservation governor”: Ibid., pp. 138–147.

  85 He urged Kennedy to make conservation a priority: Ibid., pp. 176–178.

  85 “rather bored with the whole subject”: Ibid., pp. 183–184.

  86 Nelson was bitterly disappointed: Ibid., p. 186.

  86 He made friends in the Senate almost immediately: Ibid., p. 187, 190, 192.

  86 one of Washington’s most popular dinner places: Ibid., pp. 193–195.

  86 he saw the peril the planet was in: Ibid., pp. 265–281.

  86 “unprecedented environmental disaster”: Ibid., p. 308.

  86 grapple with the pollution: Asbell, Senate Nobody Knows, pp. 76–77.

  86 radical proposals created space: Interview with Leon Billings February 19, 2010.

  87 Nelson’s effort culminated in the first Earth Day: Christofferson, Man from Clear Lake, pp. 301–312.

  87 “the day environmentalism began to emerge”: Ibid., p. 7, quoting Philip Shabecoff, A Fierce Green Fire (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993), p. 113.

  87 veto power over foreign arms sales: Don Oberdorfer, “Senator Seeks to Slow Arms Sales,” Washington Post, September 8, 1976.

  87 battled the pharmaceutical companies: Christofferson, Man from Clear Lake, pp. 251–264.

  87 “Byrd has asked me to write the god-damn ethics code”; “Obey’s smart as hell”: Nelson made these statements to me when he first explained the assignment on January 18, 1977.

  88 “If restored public confidence demands a strong code”: Statement of Senator Gaylord Nelson, Congressional Record, March 17, 1977, pp. 8034–8062.

  88 the task quickly proved even more difficult: Walter Pincus, “Income Curb Splits Senators as Vote Nears on Ethics Code,” Washington Post, March 14, 1977.

  89 the anger was bipartisan: Walter Pincus, “Senators Weighing Restriction on Outside Income,” Washington Post, March 17, 1977; Spencer Rich, “Muskie Hits Honorarium Limitation,” Washington Post, March 19, 1977.

  89 had even gone to the Common Cause office: Interview with David Cohen, former president of Common Cause, December 1, 2010.

  89 he had a fierce temper: Lippman and Hansen, Muskie, pp. 202–203 (“No one doubts that Muskie’s temper tantrums were genuine. . . . He was raging with true anger. Reporters who have covered Muskie are accustomed to his testy nature.”); White, Making of the President 1972, p. 76 (“he had a tendency to emotional outburst”).

  89 “throwing us to the wolves”: Spencer Rich, “Challenge to Ethics Code Killed by Senate, 62–35,” Washington Post, March 23, 1977.

  90 “Jeez, Gaylord, he’s killing you”: I heard Eagleton’s comment to Nelson on the Senate floor.

  90 “an aide to Senator Nelson”: Pincus, “Senators Weighing Restriction.” Muskie’s anger at this point particularly resonated with me since I was the aide who had been quoted.

  90 Muskie stalked off the floor: This scene is, obviously, my personal recollection.

  91 “the Senate is panicking”: Rich, “Challenge to Ethics Code.”

  91 “I hate this code”: I heard Ribicoff’s statement at a meeting of the special committee in March 1977.

  92 passed his entire program virtually intact: “Policy: Clean Sweep for Jimmy,” Time, August 15, 1977.

  92 a major decision on whether to fund the B-1: “Defense: Carter’s Big Decision: Down Goes the B-1; Here Comes the Cruise,” Time, July 11, 1977.

  92 His ultimate decision to kill the B-1: Interview with Senator John Culver, April 15, 2010.

  92 effort to create a consumer protection agency: John B. Judis, The Paradox of American Democracy: Elites, Special Interests, and the Betrayal of the Public Trust (New York: Routledge, 2001), pp. 139–140.

  92 successfully filibustered Carter’s legislation: Spencer Rich, “Filibuster Kills Public Financing of Senate Races,” Washington Post, August 3, 1977.

  92 “he will have a stable government”: “The Administration: Working to Reform Welfare,” Time, August 15, 1977.

  93 asked Ribicoff to be his attorney general: Arthur Schlesinger Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Greenwich, CT: Fawcett Crest, 1965), p. 137.

  94 When Howard Baker made his first foreign trip: Interview with Senator Howard Baker, October 22, 2008.

  94 Ribicoff�
�s greatest moment of fame: Lewis Chester, Godfrey Hodgson, and Bruce Page, An American Melodrama: The Presidential Campaign of 1968 (New York: Viking Press, 1969), pp. 584–585; Theodore H. White, The Making of the President 1968 (New York: Atheneum, 1969), p. 302.

  94 “Ribicoff and his people exuded class”: Interview with Tom Daffron, April 6, 2009.

  94 Younger senators, such as Gary Hart and John Danforth: Interview with Senator Gary Hart February 1, 2010; interview with Senator John Danforth, March 30, 2010.

  94 he had written a small book: Abraham Ribicoff, America Can Make It! (New York: Atheneum, 1972).

  95 lashed out at Javits: Jacob K. Javits with Rafael Steinberg, Javits: The Autobiography of a Public Man (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1981), pp. 268–269.

  95 expanded authority to reorganize executive agencies: Carter, Keeping Faith, pp. 70–71; Burton I. Kaufman and Scott Kaufman, The Presidency of James Earl Carter, Jr., 2nd ed., rev. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2006), p. 37.

  96 one cloud in the committee’s otherwise blue skies: Interview with Richard Wegman, June 3, 2010.

  96 praise from Republicans and some conservative Democrats: Kaufman and Kaufman, James Earl Carter, p. 73; Helen Dewar, “Ga. Banker to Get Cabinet-Level Post,” Washington Post, November 25, 1976.

  96 quickly discovered some disquieting facts: Kaufman and Kaufman, James Earl Carter, pp. 73–77; Michael Putzel, “U.S. Probed Lance Campaign, Found No Grounds to Prosecute,” Washington Post, January 8, 1977; interview with Richard Wegman, June 3, 2010.

  96 Ribicoff and Percy raised their concerns: “Senate Panel Approves 8 Top Carter Officials,” Associated Press, January 19, 1977; Wegman interview.

  96 Lance faced the possibility of an enormous loss: “Lance Asks Carter for Time to Unload Falling Bank Stock,” Los Angeles Times, July 9, 1977.

  96 Carter asked the committee to release Lance: George Lardner Jr., “Carter Backs Lance Delay in Stock Sale,” Washington Post, July 13, 1977.

  96 committee agreed to do so: Helen Dewar, “Senate Unit to Give Lance More Time to Sell Bank Stock,” Washington Post, July 16, 1977.

  97 opened Pandora’s box: Jack Egan, “This Isn’t a Good Year for Lance or His Bank,” Washington Post, July 17, 1977; Kaufman and Kaufman, James Earl Carter, pp.73–75.