by Ira Shapiro
143 offered an important verdict: Ibid., p. 486.
143 Baker was getting increasingly irritated: Ibid., pp. 490–491; Annis, Howard Baker, p. 127.
144 “squirming like a worm on a hot rock”: Annis, Howard Baker, p. 127.
144 subtly suggesting Baker was weak: Jorden, Panama Odyssey, p. 490.
144 “the Republican Hamlet on the Potomac”: Clymer, Drawing the Line, p. 86.
144 little doubt that Byrd would fully support: Ibid., p. 491.
144 staffers came away with the same positive reaction: Ibid., p. 491.
144 Baker laid out the political realities: Ibid., pp. 492–493.
144 the treaties must explicitly incorporate: Ibid., p. 492.
144 provided the Senate insisted on no changes: Ibid., p. 492.
144 Torrijos’s commitment settled it for Baker: Ibid., pp. 493–494.
144 Baker softened his point: Ibid., p. 493.
144 an editorial in one of the government-directed newspapers: Ibid., p. 493.
145 decided it was time to declare his support: Ibid., p, 494.
145 announced his decision to support the treaties: Ibid., p. 494.
145 Byrd had captured the central truth: Ibid., p. 494.
145 Church had supported a new Panama Canal treaty: Ashby and Gramer, Fighting the Odds, p. 539.
145 Perennial right-wing suspicion about Church: Ibid., pp. 536–537.
145 78 percent of Americans wanted to maintain control: Ibid., p. 540.
145 Sol Linowitz approached him: Ibid., p. 542.
146 Sarbanes had won plaudits: Jorden, Panama Odyssey, pp. 366, 465–466; Ashby and Gramer, Fighting the Odds, p. 542. This point reflects my personal recollection of the positive reaction to Senator Sarbanes’ arrival in the Senate, based principally on his work on the House Judiciary Committee on the impeachment of Richard Nixon.
146 Most Americans still opposed the treaties: Clymer, Drawing the Line, pp. 92–93.
146 William Buckley and George Will supported the treaties: Ibid., pp. 72; Annis, Howard Baker, p. 126.
146 “an issue conservatives can’t lose on”: Clymer, Drawing the Line, p. 56.
146 “best political issue that could be handed to a party”: Ibid., p. 56.
146 The personally genial Laxalt: Ross K. Baker, Friend and Foe in the U.S. Senate (New York: Free Press, 1980), p. 210.
147 refused to grant the “unanimous consent”: Jorden, Panama Odyssey, p. 512.
147 the fire they were lighting at the grass roots: Clymer, Drawing the Line, pp. 53–69.
147 The Carter administration had launched: Ibid., pp. 51–52, 93–94.
147 had given serious thought to supporting the treaties: Ibid., p. 36; Jorden, Panama Odyssey, pp. 320, 532.
147 decided the Byrd and Baker amendments were too weak: Clymer, Drawing the Line, p. 100.
147 introduced an amendment on February 9: Jorden, Panama Odyssey, p. 520.
148 failed to check its other flank: Ibid., pp. 522–523, 536–544.
148 Panamanian leaders were enraged: Ibid., pp. 532–551, 560–567.
148 “could cause rejection of the treaty”: Ibid., pp. 543–550.
148 changing the DeConcini reservation was impossible: Ibid., pp. 543–550.
148 agreed to go along for the moment: Ibid., pp. 543–550.
148 Metzenbaum and Kennedy spoke strongly: Ibid., pp. 550–551.
149 Byrd began quoting the words of Shakespeare: Ibid., p. 553.
149 “nothing can be morally right”: Ibid., p. 553.
149 the White House began to understand: Ibid., p. 560.
149 lamented not having recognized the danger: Ibid., p. 560.
149 incensed by the administration’s poor planning: Ibid., p. 567.
149 desperately tried to reassure Torrijos: Ibid., p. 565.
150 Baker warned Panama on CBS News: Ibid., p. 573.
150 an important ally in Mike Kozak: Ibid., p. 580.
150 Purvis told Kozak he had been thinking: Ibid., p. 580.
150 Church read the statement: Ibid., pp. 581–582.
151 Moynihan took the floor: Ibid., p. 582.
151 the Washington Post ripped Deconcini: Ibid., p. 590.
152 The response from Byrd, Church, and others: Ibid., p. 591.
152 Byrd, Church, and Sarbanes shuttled: Ibid., p. 595.
152 Gravel was not a Senate heavyweight: Ibid., p. 582.
153 They gave themselves ninety minutes: Ibid., pp. 602–603.
153 Byrd put a copy of the resolution: Ibid., p. 603.
153 Byrd finally agreed to the phrase: Ibid., p. 604
153 Lewis received word from Torrijos: Ibid., pp. 606–607.
154 Byrd told a group of reporters: Ibid., p. 609.
154 “It has to be like this, Dennis”: Ibid., pp. 613–614.
CHAPTER 9: VENTURING INTO THE MIDDLE EAST
157 Javits regularly stayed on the Senate floor: Interview with Brian Conboy, July 8, 2011.
158 when he rose to speak in the Senate: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 229–235, 259–260.
158 “I don’t like you—or your kind”: Caro, Lyndon Johnson: Master of the Senate, pp. 102–103.
158 Universally recognized as the Senate’s best lawyer: I interviewed numerous former senators, Democratic and Republican, who cited Javits as one of the great senators of the 1960’s and 1970’s, and/or the most brilliant. The same consensus emerges from the memoirs of senators with diverse political viewpoints, including William Cohen, John Tower, Lowell Weicker, and Paul Douglas.
158 a master of the committee process: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, p. 253.
158 no more than fifteen minutes before the Eastern Shuttle: This description of Javits’s mode of operation, his intellect, and his energy in the Senate reflects my personal observation, his autobiography, and the recollections of the Javits staff, a volume put together in 1981 after his defeat, the latter hereafter cited as “Javits staff remembrances.”
158 He had a soft spot for his staff members: Javits staff remembrances.
159 “The United States Senate was my home”: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 252–253.
159 Javits planned to finish his term: Ibid., pp. 490, 493.
160 no president had embraced the intractable issues: Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 273.
160 “a particularly unpleasant surprise”: Ibid., p. 280.
160 Sadat impressed Carter: Ibid., pp. 282–284.
160 dramatically transformed the political situation: Ibid., pp. 284–285.
160 adamant about returning any of the West Bank areas: Ibid., pp. 288, 292.
161 His optimism about certain leaders: Ibid., p. 286.
161 well-known friends of Israel in the Senate: Ibid., pp. 288–289.
161 senators Abe Ribicoff, Hubert Humphrey, Ed Muskie, and Scoop Jackson: Carter, White House Diary, p. 64.
161 “The Israelis were also facing their ancient enemy”: Carter, Keeping Faith, p. 297.
162 Fahd expressed a strong view in support: Carter, White House Diary, p. 161.
162 On February 14, 1978, the Carter administration announced: Graham Hovey, “U.S. Plans First Jet Sale to Cairo, Reduces Israeli Order for Craft; Saudis Get 60; Debate Is Expected,” New York Times, February 15, 1978.
162 announced its vehement opposition to Carter’s proposal: James Reston, “How to Double Trouble,” New York Times, January 27, 1978.
163 appeared overwhelmingly opposed: Bernard Weinraub, “Close Votes Likely in Congress on Mideast Plane Deal,” New York Times, April 27, 1978.
163 deeply involved with Israel since 1946: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 156–158, 170–182, 271–290.
163 Javits led the fight to convince the Nixon administration: Terence Smith, “Senate, by 81-14, Votes 500 Million for Israeli Arms,” New York Times, Nov. 24, 1971.
164 made his first trip to Saudi Arabia in early 1977: Edward C. Burks, “Senator and the Prince: The Odd Couple,” New York Times, August 6
, 1977; Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 479–481.
164 the special relationship between the United States and Israel: Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, “Carter’s Dilemma on Saudi Arms Sales,” Washington Post, February 2, 1978.
165 Baker made it known to the White House: Ibid.
165 “If you want to work this out, I’m willing to try”: Annis, Howard Baker, p. 135.
166 Brown sent a seven-page letter: Bernard Weinraub, “Brown Says Saudis Will Accept Curbs on the Use of F-15s,” New York Times, May 11, 1978.
166 the Foreign Relations Committee met in its hearing room: Hedrick Smith, “Jet Deal Still in the Balance,” New York Times, May 12, 1978.
166 After a passionate debate, the committee stunned the Senate: James Reston, “Church and State,” New York Times, May 12, 1978.
167 Emotions ran high as the Senate met four days later: Congressional Record, May 15, 1978, pp. 13264–13662.
167 Gravel criticized AIPAC for turning the vote into a “litmus test”: David Maxfield, “Middle East Plane Sales Backed by Senate Vote in Major Carter Victory,” Congressional Quarterly, May 20, 1978.
167 Packwood defended AIPAC’s lobbying with considerable heat: Ibid.
167 “What do we want to do with the Israelis?”: “Nation: F-15 Fight, Who Won What?,” Time, May 29, 1978.
168 “We must have the courage, we must have the guts”: Ibid.
168 a rationalization of “American nervelessness”: Ibid.
168 Tom Eagleton, another strong supporter of Israel: Ibid.
168 criticized the Carter administration’s “skill and competence”: Ibid.
169 won an extraordinary and unexpected victory: Bernard Weinraub, “Mideast Plane Conflict: How Carter Won and Implications for Victors and Losers,” New York Times, May 24, 1978.
CHAPTER 10: AN EPIC BUSINESS-LABOR CLASH
172 played a strong role in securing Carter’s narrow victory: Kaufman and Kaufman, James Earl Carter, pp. 33–34; Gillon, Democrats’ Dilemma, pp. 188–190.
172 Organized labor’s share of the workforce: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy , p. 138.
172 uninterested in putting labor resources into funding recruiting: Ibid., p. 138.
172 a fierce and concerted campaign: Ibid., pp. 138, 140–141.
172 most notorious for anti-labor tactics: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, p. 389.
172 According to National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) statistics: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy, p. 138.
172 sought a labor law reform bill: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 389–390.
173 the chances of Senate passage seemed good: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy , p. 140; Javits, ibid., p. 390; Orrin Hatch, Square Peg: Confessions of a Citizen Senator (New York: Basic Books, 2002), p. 26.
173 Moss, a western liberal from the class of 1958: Pertschuck, Revolt Against Regulation, pp. 21, 44, 76–77.
173 Hatch, a self-styled citizen politician: Hatch, Square Peg, pp. 3–5.
173 startled at being asked to lead the opposition: Ibid., p. 24.
173 Hatch agreed to take on the challenge: Ibid., p. 25.
174 prosperity made possible a comfortable consensus: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy, p. 101.
174 their corporate CEOs served on the boards: Ibid., p. 109.
174 drastically expand and rename itself the Business Roundtable: Ibid., pp. 120–122.
174 At the urging of two powerful intellects: Ibid., pp. 116–119, 122–127; Lichtman, White Protestant Nation, pp. 303–307.
175 a concerted message, and a new ideology, emerged: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy, pp. 128–129.
175 By 1978, it had become pervasive: Ibid., p. 129; Lichtman, White Protestant Nation, pp. 337–338.
175 “Broom Hilda did five comic strips”: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy, p. 129.
176 Gallup Polls registered just how effectively: Ibid., p. 130.
176 one of the AFL-CIO’s other priorities: Kaufman and Kaufman, James Earl Carter, p. 34.
176 strike by the United Mine Workers: Ibid., pp. 97–98.
176 He did not intend to be beaten: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, p. 391.
177 not be operating on a “two-track” system: Ibid., p. 391; Hatch, Square Peg, p. 30.
177 plenty of time to make their case: Ibid., p. 30.
177 Hatch received regular counsel from Jim Allen: Ibid., p. 28.
177 Hollings made it clear: Hollings and Victor, Making Government Work, pp. 188–190.
178 Hatch organized the labor law opponents: Hatch, Square Peg, pp. 30–31.
178 a handful of conservative to moderate Democratic senators would decide the outcome: Ibid., p. 29.
178 they were breaking new ground in lobbying: Ibid., p. 31.
178 mobilize the grass roots to flood his office: Ibid., p. 31.
178 97 percent of the mail: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy, p. 140.
178 energize small business by frightening them: Ibid., pp. 140–141.
179 “It’s a different type of lobbying”: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 390–391, quoting Congressional Quarterly Almanac.
179 Hatch heard that one company: Hatch, Square Peg, p. 32.
180 Javits, Williams, and Byrd put forth a compromise: Javits and Steinberg, Javits , p. 391.
180 Long approached Hatch on the Senate floor: Hatch, Square Peg, pp. 34–35.
180 “Russell Long appears to be running the country”: Quoted in Mann, Legacy to Power: Senator Russell Long of Louisiana, p. 348.
180 In a relatively rare moment of public humor: Ibid., p. 348.
180 Long repeated an offer made to Hatch: Hatch, Square Peg, pp. 34–35.
181 Sparkman pushed him away: Ibid., p. 36.
181 “I thought you promised to be with us”: Ibid., p. 36.
181 already openly predicting a Democratic victory: Ibid., p. 37.
181 “Orrin, you know you’re going to lose today”: Ibid., p. 37.
182 Hollings had been doing some discreet lobbying: Hollings and Victor, Making Government Work, p. 190.
182 He caught Zorinsky coming down the hall: Ibid., p. 190.
182 Hatch knew that he had his forty-first vote: Hatch, Square Peg, p. 39.
182 Long said he was so angered: Ibid., p. 40.
182 “we have always known it”: Ibid., p. 40.
182 “if Senator Long is going to cross over”: Ibid., p. 40.
183 Javits considered the outcome a tragedy: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, p. 392.
CHAPTER 11: SAVING NEW YORK
185 “always had the luster and magic of a new town”: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, p. 435.
185 “the temptation to seek the mayoralty”: Ibid., p. 434.
185 When Walter Mondale was a young senator: Javits staff remembrances, p. 60 (recollection of Ken Gunther).
186 an infamous front page headline: Frank Von Riper, “Ford to City: Drop Dead,” New York Daily News, October 30, 1975; Javits and Steinberg, Javits, pp. 434–446.
187 In February 1978, the Banking Committee had issued: Edward C. Burke, “Senate Committee Votes Not to Renew Aid to New York City,” New York Times, February 10, 1978.
187 “The American people are just plain fed up”: David Broder, “Restless Votes Pave the Way for Youth Movement into Senate,” Washington Post, June 8, 1978.
188 Roth began to “noodle” with his staff: Interview with Neil Messick, June 4, 2010.
188 Roth found a House Republican counterpart: Judis, Paradox of American Democracy, p. 148.
188 “no one in Washington took them seriously”: Interview with Neil Messick, June 4, 2010.
188 California voters, enraged by soaring property taxes: Sandbrook, Mad as Hell, pp. 280–286.
188 Ohio voters turned down 86 out of 139 proposed school bonds: “Sound and Fury over Taxes,” Time, June 19, 1978.
188 shocked the political world: Adam Clymer,“Grumpy Voters Send a Disconcerting Message,” New York Times, June
11, 1978.
189 Proposition 13 became the talk of Capitol Hill: Adam Clymer,“Coast Author of the Tax Cut Scouts Capital,” New York Times, June 20, 1978; “a prairie fire” of opposition: Adam Clymer, “Reagan Urges Party to Support Tax Cuts,” New York Times, June 25, 1978.
189 William Proxmire, a noted pinch-penny: B. Drummond Ayres, “Congress Responds to Frugality Signal,” New York Times, June 18, 1978.
189 “It’s not some magic word”: Ibid.
189 The Senate would have to decide the future: Lee Dembart, “Koch, in Washington, Pleads for Backing on Long Term Bonds,” New York Times, June 7, 1978.
189 Proxmire was the original maverick: Martin Tolchin, “The Perplexing Mr. Proxmire,” New York Times, May 28, 1978.
190 “5,669 consecutive roll call votes”: Ibid.
190 demonstrated his independence from his own party: Interview with Ralph Neas, April 21, 2010.
191 “1978 is not the same as 1975”: Statement of Chairman William Proxmire, Hearings Before the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, on “New York City Financial Aid,” June 6, 7, 12, 13, 1978, p. 1.
191 “these local parties are offering so little”: Ibid., p. 3.
191 Brooke’s opening statement came as a cold splash of reality: Statement of Ranking Member Edward Brooke, ibid., p. 4.
192 Moynihan loved to speak: Statement of Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, ibid., p. 6.
193 “We are where we are because New York is the central city of this country”: Statement of Senator Jacob Javits, ibid., p. 10.
194 the “woof and warp of the legislative process”: Javits used that phrase with me during the special committee’s work on writing the Senate ethics code.
194 noting “what a good strong job you’re doing”: Senate Banking Committee Hearings, p. 25.
195 implored the Committee to provide the federal loan guarantees: Statement of New York City Mayor Ed Koch, ibid., pp. 25–32; Lee Dembart, “Koch, in Washington, Pleads for Backing on Long Term Bonds,” New York Times, June 7, 1978.
195 Proxmire asked again and again: Senate Banking Committee Hearings, pp. 2, 77.
195 showed a new willingness to support seasonal loans: Ibid., pp. 167, 182.
196 “Jack Javits and Pat Moynihan did more to change”: Javits and Steinberg, Javits, p. 447.
