NATASHA

by Orlando Figes

  The composer Nicolas Nabokov (a cousin of the writer) recalls a

  revealing incident. Shortly after his arrival in America, Stravinsky became worried by the possibility of revolution there. He asked an acquaintance whether this was likely and, when he was told that it was possible, he asked in 'an appalled and indignant tone': 'But where will I go?'85 Having lived through the Russian Revolution, Stravinsky's deepest political instinct was a fear of disorder.

  After teaching for a year at Harvard University, he found his refuge in Los Angeles, where he purchased his first house, a small suburban villa in West Hollywood which would remain his home for the next thirty years. Los Angeles had attracted many artists from Europe, largely on account of its film industry; the German writer Thomas Mann described wartime Hollywood as a 'more intellectually stimulating and cosmopolitan city than Paris or Munich had ever been'.86 Among the Stravinskys' friends were Bertolt Brecht and Charlie Chaplin, Rene Clair and Greta Garbo, Max Reinhardt and Alma Mahler (married to Franz Werfel), Lion Feuchtwanger and Erich Maria Remarque. Such cosmopolitanism made the United States a natural home for many of the Russian emigres. Its 'melting pot' of nations, in New York and Los Angeles especially, was reminiscent of the cultural milieu in which they had lived in Petersburg. America enabled them to develop as international artists not troubled, as they had been in Europe, by irksome questions of national identity.

  This sense of wanting to be rid of Russia - of wanting to break free to a new identity - was expressed by Nabokov in his poem 'To Russia' (1939), written just before his own departure from Paris for the USA.

  Will you leave me alone? I implore you! Dusk is ghastly. Life's noises subside. I am helpless. And I am dying Of the blind touch of your whelming tide.

  He who freely abandons his country on the heights to bewail it is free. But now I am down in the valley and now do not come close to me.

  I'm prepared to lie hidden forever and to live without a name. I'm prepared, lest we only in dreams come together, all conceivable dreams to forswear;

  to be drained of my blood, to be crippled, to have done with the books I most love, for the first available idiom to exchange all I have: my own tongue.

  But for that, through the tears, oh, Russia, through the grass of two far-parted tombs, through the birch tree's tremulous macules, through all that sustained me since youth,

  with your blind eyes, your dear eyes, cease looking

  at me, oh, pity my soul,

  do not rummage around in the coalpit,

  do not grope for my life in this hole

  because years have gone by and centuries, and for sufferings, sorrow, and shame, too late - there is no one to pardon and no one to carry the blame.87

  Stravinsky's exodus to America followed a similar emotional path. He wanted to forget about the past and move on. His childhood was a painful memory. He had lost his father, two brothers and a daughter before he 'lost' Russia in 1917. He needed to put Russia behind him. But it would not let him be. As an emigre in France, Stravinsky tried to deny his own Russianness. He adopted a sort of European cosmopolitanism which at times became synonymous, as it had once been in St Petersburg itself, with an aristocratic hauteur and contempt for what was thought of as 'Russia' in the West (that is, the version of peasant culture which he had imitated in The Firebird and The Rite of Spring). 'I don't think of myself as particularly Russian,' he told a Swiss journalist in 1928. 'I am a cosmopolitan.'88 In Paris

  Stravinsky mixed in the fashionable circles of Cocteau and Proust, Poulenc and Ravel, Picasso and Coco Chanel. Chanel became his lover and transformed him from the rather unattractive and self-effacing man who had arrived in Paris in 1920 into the homme dur et monocle, elegantly dressed in finely tailored suits and drawn (with Asiatic eyes) by Picasso.

  Stravinsky made a very public show of distancing himself from the peasant Russia that had inspired his earlier works. It had turned into the Red Russia he despised - the Russia which had betrayed him. He denied the influence of folklore on his work. He claimed (mendaciously) that the ancient Russian setting of The Rite of Spring was an incidental choice that followed from the music, which he had composed first, without regard for the folklore.89 He similarly denied the Russian roots of The Peasant Wedding - a work entirely based on musical folklore. 'I borrowed nothing from folk pieces', he wrote in his Chronique de ma vie in 1935. 'The recreation of a country wedding ritual, which in any case I had never seen, did not enter my mind. Ethnographic questions were of very little interest to me.'90 Perhaps he was trying to distinguish his own music from the ersatz folklore (one should really call it 'fakelore') of the Stalinist regime, with its pseudo folk-dance troupes and balalaika orchestras, its Red Army choirs which dressed up in generic 'folk' costumes and played the role of happy peasants while the real peasants starved or languished in the gulags in the wake of Stalin's war to force them all into collective farms. But the lengths to which he went to erase his Russian roots suggest a more violent, personal reaction.

  The music of Stravinsky's neoclassical period was an expression of his 'cosmopolitan' identity. There is almost nothing evidently 'Russian' - and certainly no musical folklore - in jazz-inspired works such as the Octet for Wind (1923), or in classically formed works like the Piano Concerto (1924); and even less in later works like Dumbarton Oaks (1937) or the Symphony in C (1938). The fact that he chose Latin - rather than his native Russian or adopted French - as the language of his 'opera-oratorio' Oedipus Rex (1927) lends further weight to this idea. Nicolas Nabokov, who spent the Christmas of 1947 with the Stravinskys in Hollywood, was struck by the apparent

  thoroughness of the composer's break with his native land. 'For

  Stravinsky, Russia is a language which he uses with superb, gourmandlike dexterity; it is a few books; Glinka and Tchaikovsky. The rest either leaves him indifferent or arouses his anger, contempt and violent dislike.'91 Stravinsky had an amazing chameleon-like capacity to adapt and make himself at home in foreign habitats. This, too, was perhaps a product of his Petersburg background. His son recalled that 'every time we moved house for a few weeks my father always managed to give an air of permanence to what was in fact very temporary… All his life, wherever he might be, he always managed to surround himself with his own atmosphere.'92

  In 1934 the composer became a citizen of France - a decision he explained by claiming he had found his 'intellectual climate' in Paris, and by what he called 'a kind of shame towards my motherland'.93 Yet despite his French passport and his orchestrated image as an Artist of the World, Stravinsky harboured deeply felt emotions for the country of his birth. He was far more rooted in his native culture than he readily acknowledged; and these feelings were expressed in a concealed way within his works. Stravinsky felt profound nostalgia for St Petersburg - a city that was 'so much a part of my life', he wrote in 1959, 'that I am almost afraid to look further into myself, lest I discover how much of me is still joined to it'.94 So painful was its memory that in 1955 the composer refused an invitation to Helsinki on the grounds that it was 'too near a certain city that I have no desire to see again'.95 Yet he loved Rome, and Venice too, because they reminded him of Petersburg. Stravinsky's sublimated nostalgia for the city of his birth is clearly audible in his Tchaikovskian ballet The Fairy's Kiss (1928). He was equally nostalgic about Ustilug, the family's estate in Volhynia, where he had composed The Rite of Spring. Ustilug was a subject he would not discuss with anyone.96 It was an immeasurable source of pain to him that he did not know what had happened to the house where he had spent his happiest childhood days. Yet the fact that he laboured longer on The Peasant Wedding than on any other score is an indication of his feelings for the place. The work was based on sources he had retrieved from the house on his final visit there.

  Throughout his life in exile Stravinsky remained emotionally attached to the rituals and the culture of the Russian Church - even if

  in France he became attracted intellectually to the Catholic tradition, which he celebrated
in his Symphony of Psalms (1930). In the mid-1920s, after nearly thirty years of non-observance, Stravinsky resumed an active life in the Orthodox community, in part under the influence of his wife Katya, who became increasingly devout during the long illness from which she eventually died in 1939. As an artist and as an emigre, Stravinsky found solace in the discipline and order of the Russian Church. 'The more you cut yourself off from the canons of the Christian Church,' he told an interviewer while at work on the Symphony of Psalms, 'the more you cut yourself off from the truth.'

  These canons are as true for the composition of an orchestra as they are for the life of an individual. They are the only place where order is practised to the full: not a speculative, artificial order, but the divine order which is given to us and which must reveal itself as much in the inner life as in its exteriorization in painting, music, etc. It's the struggle against anarchy, not so much disorder as the absence of order. I'm an advocate of architecture in art, since architecture is the embodiment of order; creative work is a protest against anarchy and nonexistence.97

  Stravinsky became a regular attender at services in the Russian church in the Rue Daru. He surrounded himself with the paraphernalia of Orthodox worship - his homes in Nice and Paris were filled with icons and crosses. He dated his musical sketches by the Orthodox calendar. He corresponded with Russian priests in all the major centres of the emigration, and the Russian priest in Nice became 'practically a member' of his household there.98 Stravinsky claimed that the strongest pull of the Russian Church was 'linguistic': he liked the sound of the Slavonic liturgy." It comes across in his Slavonic chants for the Russian church.*

  This desire to return to the religion of his birth was connected to a profound love of Russia, too. Throughout his life Stravinsky adhered to the Russian customs of his childhood in pre-revolutionary Petersburg. Even in Los Angeles, his home remained an outpost of the old Russia.

  * Before switching to Latin he had intended to set the Symphony of Psalms in Slavonic,

  too.

  The living room was filled with Russian books and ornaments, pictures and icons. The Stravinskys mixed with Russian friends. They employed Russian servants. They spoke Russian in their home. Stravinsky spoke in English or in French only if he had to, and then in a thick accent. He drank tea in the Russian way - in a glass with jam. He ate his soup from the same spoon with which as a child he had been fed by his babushka.100

  Chagall was another Artist of the World who concealed a Russian heart. Like Stravinsky, he invented his own image as a cosmopolitan. He liked to claim that the questions of identity which critics always asked ('Are you a Jewish artist? A Russian? Or a French?') did not actually bother him. 'You talk, I will work,' he used to say.101 But such statements cannot be taken at face value. Chagall made up his own biography - and he frequently changed it. The major decisions of his life were taken, he claimed, on the basis of his own convenience as a practising artist. In 1912 he emigrated from Soviet Russia because conditions there made it hard for him to work. In western Europe, by contrast, he was already famous and he knew that he could become rich. There is no evidence to suggest that he was affected by the Bolshevik destruction of the synagogues and a good deal of the Jewish quarter in his home town of Vitebsk.102 In 1941, when Chagall fled Paris for America, the danger from the Nazis was real enough - though here again he justified the move in terms of personal convenience. Throughout his life Chagall remained a wanderer, never settling down in any land, or calling it his own. Like the subjects of his paintings, he lived with his feet off the ground.

  None the less, the unanswered question of his nationality was central to the painter's life and art. Of the diverse elements that were fused together in his personality (Jewish, Russian, French, American and international), it was the Russian that meant the most to him. 'The title "A Russian Painter"', Chagall once remarked, 'means more to me than any international fame. In my pictures there is not one centimetre free from nostalgia for my native land.'103 Chagall's homesickness was focused on Vitebsk, the half-Jewish half-Russian town on the border between Russia and Belarus, where he had grown up, the son of a petty trader, in the 1890s. In 1941 it was overrun by the Nazis and all its Jewish inhabitants were killed. Three years later Chagall

  wrote a moving lamentation 'To My Native Town, Vitebsk' that was published as a letter in The New York Times.

  It is a long time since I last saw you, and found myself among your fenced streets. You didn't ask in pain, why I left you for so many years when I loved you. No, you thought: the lad's gone off somewhere in search of brilliant unusual colours to shower like snow or stars on our roofs. But where will he get them from? Why can't he find them nearer to hand? In your ground I left the graves of my ancestors and scattered stones. I did not live with you and yet there was not a single one of my pictures in which your joys and sorrows were not reflected. All through these years I had one constant worry: does my native town understand me?104

  Vitebsk was the world Chagall idealized. It was not so much a place as a mythical ideal, the artistic site of his childhood memories. In his fanciful paintings he re-created Vitebsk as a world of dreams. The muddy streets of the real town were magically transformed into colours reminiscent of a festive set for Mother Goose. Such was the demand for his Vitebsk theme, and the ruthlessness with which Chagall exploited it, that critics accused him of merchandizing his own exotica as art. Picasso said he was a businessman. The painter Boris Aronson complained that Chagall was 'always doing a Fiddler on the Roof'.105 Yet, however much he might have traded on the Vitebsk theme, his homesickness was genuine enough.

  Jews in Israel could not understand how Chagall could be so nostalgic about life in Russia. Wasn't it a country of pogroms? But Vitebsk was a town where the Jews had not just co-existed with the Russians; they were beneficiaries of Russian culture, as well. Like Mandelstam, a Polish-Russian Jew, Chagall had identified with the Russian tradition: it was the means of entry to the culture and values of Europe. Russia was a big, cosmopolitan civilization before 1917. It had absorbed the whole of Western culture, just as Chagall, as a Jew, had absorbed the culture of Russia. Russia liberated Jews like Chagall from the provincial attitudes of their home towns and connected them with the wider world.106 Only Russia could inspire feelings such as these. None of the other East European civilizations was large enough to provide the Jews with a cultural homeland.

  5

  When Tsvetaeva moved to Paris in 1925 it had been in the hope that she would find a broader readership for her verse. In Prague she had struggled to keep 'body and pen together', as Nabokov would so memorably describe the predicament of the emigre writers.107 She scraped by through translation work and hand-outs from her friends. But the constant struggle put a strain on her relations with Efron, a perpetual student who could not find a job, and with her daughter and her newborn son.

  Efron began to drift away from her - no doubt losing patience with her constant love affairs - and became involved in politics. In Paris he immediately threw himself into the Eurasian movement, whose conception of Russia as a separate Asiatic or Turanian continent had already taken hold of Stravinsky. By the middle of the 192Os the movement had begun to split. Its right wing flirted with the fascists, while its left wing, towards which Efron veered, favoured an alliance with the Soviet regime as champion of their imperial ideals for Russia as the leader of a separate Eurasian civilization in hostile opposition to the West. They put aside their old opposition to the Bolshevik regime, recognizing it (mistakenly perhaps) as the popular, and therefore rightful, victor of the civil war, and espoused its cause as the only hope for the resurrection of a Great Russia. Efron was a vocal advocate of a return to the motherland. He wanted to expiate his 'guilt' for having fought on the White side in the civil war by laying down his life for the Soviet (read: the Russian) people's cause. In 1931 Efron applied to return to Stalin's Russia. His well-known feelings of homesickness for Russia turned him into an obvious target for the NKVD, which had a p
olicy of playing on such weaknesses to infiltrate the emigre community. Efron was recruited as an NKVD agent on the promise that eventually he would be allowed to return to Soviet Russia. During the 1930s he became the leading organizer of the Parisian Union for a Return to the Motherland. It was a front for the NKVD.

  Efron's politics placed enormous strain on his relationship with Tsvetaeva. She understood his need to return home but she was equally aware of what was happening in Stalin's Russia. She accused her

  husband of naivety: he closed his eyes to what he did not want to see. They argued constantly - she warning him that if he went back to the Soviet Union he would end up in Siberia, or worse, and he retorting that he would 'go wherever they send me'.108 Yet Tsvetaeva knew that, if he went, she would follow her husband, as ever, 'like a dog'.

  Efron's activities made Tsvetaeva's own position in emigre society untenable. It was assumed that she herself was a Bolshevik, not least because of her continued links with 'Soviet writers' such as Pasternak and Bely, who like her had their roots in the pre-revolutionary avant-garde. She found herself ever more alone in a community that increasingly shunned any contact with the Soviet world. 'I feel that I have no place here', she wrote to the Czech writer Anna Teskova. The French were 'sociable but superficial' and 'interested only in themselves', while 'from the Russians I am separated by my poetry, which nobody understands; by my personal views, which some take for Bolshevism, others for monarchism or anarchism; and then again - by all of me'.109 Berberova described Tsvetaeva as an 'outcast' in Paris: 'she had no readers' and there was 'no reaction to what she wrote'.110After Russia, the last collection of her poetry to be published during her lifetime, appeared in Paris in 1928. Only twenty-five of its hundred numbered copies were bought by subscription.111 In these final years of life abroad Tsvetaeva's poetry shows signs of her growing estrangement and solitude.