by David Loades
[201] Harbison, Rival Ambassadors, explores this involvement thoroughly in chapters 4 and 5.
[202] Renard to the Emperor, 18 January 1554. Cal. Span., XII, p. 34.
[203] Noailles to Montmorency, 12 January 1554, cited by Harbison, Rival Ambassadors, p. 119.
[204] TNA SP11 /3, no. 18 (i). Testimony of Sir Anthony Norton.
[205] J. Proctor, The History of Wyats Rebellion (1554), reprinted in A. F. Pollard, Tudor Tracts (1903), pp. 229-30.
[206] ‘And touching the marriage, her Highness affirmed that nothing was done herein by herself alone, but with consent and advisement of the whole Council upon deliberate consultation …’ Proctor, History, p. 239. There is no evidence of any such consultation until after the decision had been made.
[207] The Chronicle of Queen Jane, p. 49. The author was not overly sympathetic to the government.
[208] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, pp. 82-5.
[209] The Chronicle of Queen Jane, p. 54.
[210] Ibid., pp. 73-4.
[211] 178 out of nearly 30,000. G. R. Elton, Policy and Police (1972), p. 389.
[212] AGS Patronato Real, 7. A secret instrument ad cautelam is enclosed with the copy of the marriage treaty preserved at Simancas. Cal. Span., XII, p. 4.
[213] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, pp. 85-8.
[214] Renard to the Bishop of Arras, 7 January 1554. Cal. Span., XII, p. 15.
[215] For a discussion of the position of the femme couvert and her property rights, see The Lawes Resolution of Womens Rights, or the Lawes Provision for Woemen, by ‘E.T.’ (London, 1632).
[216] Loach, Parliament and the Crown, pp. 96-7.
[217] Commendone had come on behalf of Geronimo Dandino, papal legate in the Low Countries, the previous September. For a general consideration of the progress of the religious reaction, see E. Duffy and D. Loades (eds), The Church of Mary Tudor (2006).
[218] Loades, Reign of Mary, pp. 124-6.
[219] Cal. Span., XII, p. 216. Loach, Parliament and the Crown, pp. 97-9.
[220] Ibid., p. 98.
[221] Cal. Span., XII, p. 251.
[222] Renard to the Emperor, 13 May 1554 Cal. Span., XII, pp. 250-4.
[223] Thomas F. Mayer, Reginald Pole, Prince and Prophet (2000), pp. 60-1.
[224] TNA SP11 /4, no. 10.
[225] Cal. Span., XII, pp. 297-9.
[226] Ambassadors to the Emperor, 22–25 May 1554. Cal. Span., XII, p. 258.
[227] ‘The officers appointed for his Highness’s service have been living at Southampton at great expense for a long time, and are now beginning to leave that place, speaking strangely of his Highness.’ Renard to the Emperor, 9 July 1554. Cal. Span., XII, p. 309.
[228] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 223.
[229] ‘John Elder’s Letter, describing the arrival and marriage of King Philip …’, Chronicle of Queen Jane, Appendix X, pp. 139-40.
[230] Ibid., p. 140.
[231] Ruy Gomez (Philip’s secretary) to Francisco de Eraso, 27 July 1554, commenting on Mary’s appearance and demeanour during the wedding service. He also added that she had kept her eyes fixed on the sacrament throughout, and was ‘a perfect saint’. Cal. Span., XIII, p. 2.
[232] In Spanish, ‘Que yo no quiero amores, / en Ingalterra, / pues otros mejores / tengo yo in mi tierra …’, Fernando Diaz-Plaja (ed.), La Historia de Espana en sus Documentos (1958), p. 149.
[233] The Chronicle of Queen Jane, Appendix XI. ‘The Marriage of Queen Mary and King Philip’ (the official heralds’ account).
[234] Ibid.
[235] The Chronicle of Queen Jane, p. 170. Edward Underhill’s account.
[236] Tres Cartas de to sucedido en el viaje de su Alteza in Inglaterra (1877), Primera Carta, p. 111.
[237] Ibid.
[238] Tres Cartas, Tercera Carta, p. 102.
[239] Cal. Span., XIII, p. 11.
[240] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 177.
[241] Judith M. Richards, ‘Mary Tudor as “Sole Quene”? Gendering Tudor Monarchy’, Historical Journal, 40 (1997) pp. 895-924.
[242] Cal. Span., XIII, p. 11.
[243] Glyn Redworth, “‘Matters impertinent to women”; male and female monarchy under Philip and Mary’, English Historical Review, 112 (1997), pp. 597-613.
[244] S. Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy (1969), pp. 56-98. The pageants offered on that occasion had been a tour de force of humanist imagination.
[245] ‘John Elder’s Letter’, Chronicle of Queen Jane, p. 146. See also Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 327-38.
[246] ‘The ambassador,’ he wrote, ‘gets everything in a muddle. However, I do not blame him, but rather the person who sent a man of his small attainments to conduct so capital an affair as this match, instead of entrusting it to a Spaniard.’ Renard was a Franc-Comptois, and the dig is at Antoine de Perrenot, Bishop of Arras. 23 August 1554. Cal. Span., XIII, p. 35.
[247] Ibid., p. 33.
[248] Machyn, Diary, pp. 69, 72.
[249] Archivo General de Simancas, CMC la E, legajo 1184.
[250] Redworth, ‘“Matters impertinent’’’. Mary had instructed the select council that they were to ‘tell the king the whole state of the realm’, but they seem to have used their judgement in interpreting that.
[251] For a discussion of Philip’s impact on the court during 1554–5, see D. Loades, Intrigue and Treason: The Tudor Court 1547–58 (2004), pp. 178-213.
[252] Cal. Span., XIII, p. 28.
[253] William Forrest, A Newe Ballad of the Marigolde (1554).
[254] Cal. Ven., VI, p. 10. A memorandum on developments concerning Church property.
[255] Cal. Span., XIII, pp. 63-4. Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 236. For a full discussion of this negotiation, see Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, p. 97.
[256] Cal. Span., XIII, pp. 92-5.
[257] House of Lords Records Office, Original Act, 1 & 2 Philip and Mary, c.18. Loach, Parliament and the Crown, p. 106.
[258] The text of Pole’s address is preserved in Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome, MS Vat. Lat. 5968, which is available on microfilm. A translation was printed by J. Collier, An Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain (1714), II, pp. 372-3.
[259] Donato Rullo to Cardinal Seripando, 1 December 1554. Carlo de Frede, La Restaurazione Cattolica in Inghilterra sotto Maria Tudor (Naples, 1971) p. 57.
[260] Cal. Span., XIII, p. 117.
[261] Feckenham had urged that, no matter what the dispensation might say, the possessioners were in conscience bound to surrender their gains. He was interviewed by an embarrassed council on 29 November. Cal. Span., XIII, p. 108. APC, V, p. 85.
[262] Priuli had no knowledge of English law, and sometimes missed the point of the discussions. BL Add. MS 41577, ff. 161-6. Loach, Parliament and the Crown, pp. 109-111.
[263] 1 & 2 Philip and Mary, c. 8. Loach, Parliament and the Crown, p. 111.
[264] Loades, Reign of Mary, pp. 167-8.
[265] Machyn, Diary, p. 76.
[266] Ibid., p. 80.
[267] Ibid., p. 79.
[268] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 248.
[269] Cal. Span., XIII, pp. 165-6.
[270] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 249.
[271] Machyn, Diary, p. 81.
[272] Ibid., p. 82. Renard to Philip, 5 February 1555, wrote: ‘Some of the onlookers wept, others prayed God to give him strength … not to recant … others threatening the bishops …’ Cal. Span., XIII, p. 138.
[273] D. Loades, ‘The Marian Episcopate’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 33-56.
[274] The submission of John Barret, Norwich’s leading evangelical preacher under Edward VI, took all the stuffing out of Protestant resistance in Norwich. Ralph Houlbrooke, ‘The Clergy, the Church Courts and the Marian Restoration in Norwich’, ibid., pp. 124-48.
[275] The Displaying of the Protestants (1556), p. 51.
[276] Jose Ignacio Tellecehea Idigoras (trans. Ronald Truman), ‘Fray Bartolome Carranza: A Spanish Do
minican in the England of Mary Tudor’, in J. Edwards and R. Truman (eds), Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Fray Bartolome Carranza (2005), pp. 21-32.
[277] See (for example) Patrick Collinson, ‘The Persecution in Kent’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 309-33.
[278] A Short Treatise of Politike Power (1556), f. E v.
[279] Thomas F. Mayer, ‘The Success of Cardinal Pole’s Final Legation’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 149-75.
[280] Machyn, Diary, p. 86.
[281] John Foxe, Acts and Monuments (1583), p. 1,597. Foxe claimed to have been told this story ‘by the woman herself’. Her son was called Timothy.
[282] Federico Badoer to the Doge and Senate, 21 July 1555. Cal. Ven.,VI, pp. 138-9. According to Badoer several members of the council wrote at the same time, distancing themselves from her instruction.
[283] One contemporary report states that she had been delivered of a shapeless mass of flesh, which would suggest a tumour, but there is no proper corroboration. Her physicians seem to have expressed no opinion.
[284] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, pp. 92-3, 101.
[285] Machyn, Diary, p. 93. The English gentlemen stayed only to witness the handover of power on 25 September and then returned home.
[286] Redworth, ‘“Matters Impertinent’’’.
[287] Redworth says, on Spanish authority, that Mary discussed some matters of state with the select council rather than the privy council, but is not clear what these matters were. Probably the reference is to Philip’s Continental affairs in so far as these affected England.
[288] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, p. 101.
[289] Loach, Parliament and the Crown, pp. 129-58. It was during this session that some members held illicit meetings with the French ambassador to discuss oppositional tactics, and the Commons rejected a government measure for the recall of religious refugees.
[290] A Machiavellian Treatise by Stephen Gardiner, trans. and ed. P. S. Donaldson (1975). On Gardiner’s authorship, see also D. Fenlon in Historical Journa1, 19 (1976), p. 4; to which Donaldson replied in the same journal, 23 (1980), pp. 1-16.
[291] Redworth, ‘“Matters Impertinent”’.
[292] Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 258-9.
[293] Typical, although unusually explicit, was John Bradford’s Copy of a letter … sent to the Earls of Arundel, Derby, Shrewsbury and Pembroke (1556).
[294] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, pp. 149-51.
[295] Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies, pp. 176-27. Henry was the second son of John Sutton de Dudley, and the younger brother of Edmund Sutton, 4th Baron Dudley. He is always called by the name of his brother’s title.
[296] TNA SP11/7, no. 47. Third confession of Thomas White, 30 March 1556.
[297] D. Loades, The Tudor Navy (1992), pp. 164-5.
[298] There are several lists of ‘suspect persons’ in the State Papers, e.g. TNA SP11/7, nos. 23, 24, 25.
[299] Cal. Ven., VI, p. 285.
[300] Pole to Philip, 5 October 1555. Cal. Ven., VI, pp. 205-6. Renard was not replaced for the obvious reason that Philip’s servants were seen to be discharging his function, but Renard had always been the Emperor’s ambassador, not the king’s.
[301] For a full discussion of Cranmer’s fate and its implications, see Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (1996), pp. 573-91.
[302] Bradford, Copy of a letter. Other works in a similar vein include A Supplication to the Queen’s Majesty (1555) and A Warning for England (1555).
[303] Cal. Ven., VI, pp. 401-2.
[304] Cal. Span., XIII, p. 260.
[305] R. A. de Vertot, Les ambassados de Mss de Noailles (1743) V pp. 361-3.
[306] APC, V p. 320.
[307] Cal. Span., XIII, p. 276.
[308] Mayer, ‘The Success of Cardinal Pole’s Final Legation’.
[309] Cal. Ven., VI, p. 880.
[310] Nicholas Wotton to the queen, 20 and 29 October 1556. Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, II, pp. 267-73.
[311] The list is printed as Appendix 2 in Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 358-69.
[312] Cal. Span., XIII, pp. 286-7.
[313] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 273.
[314] C. S. Knighton, ‘Westminster Abbey Restored’, in The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 77-123.
[315] Loades, ‘The Marian Episcopate’.
[316] Secret Protestants – after Nicodemus, who came to Christ at night.
[317] BL Lansdowne MS 170, f 129. Loades, Reign of Mary, pp. 186-8.
[318] Machyn, Diary, p. 129.
[319] I am indebted to Corinna Streckfuss of Christ Church, Oxford, for several important points relating to Philip’s image in contemporary Habsburg propaganda.
[320] Machyn, Diary, p. 133. This Russian, who had returned with Richard Chancellor, and narrowly survived shipwreck in Scotland, was Ossip Nepeja, but Machyn had no means of knowing that.
[321] Ibid., p. 141. The ‘forest’ was probably Windsor Great Park. It was just before this that Sir James Granado had been killed in a riding accident while showing off a horse at St James’. Mary had apparently witnessed the accident.
[322] Francois de Noailles to Montmorency, 5 April 1557. Harbison, Rival Ambassadors, p. 324. A Latin version was also prepared for Philip. BL Sloane MS 1786.
[323] Surian to the doge and senate, 3 April. Cal.Ven., VI, 1, 004. Feria had apparently told Surian that ‘it is in His Majesty’s power to make the country wage war against France when and in what manner he chooses’. This was theoretically correct, but not practicable, as Philip himself realised.
[324] Loades, Reign of Mary, p. 191.
[325] For a discussion of the circumstances of this revocation, see Mayer, Reginald Pole, pp. 312-14.
[326] Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies, pp. 151-75.
[327] Notes by Wotton, April 1557. TNA SP69/10/587.
[328] Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, III, ii, p. 515, prints the full text of the proclamation.
[329] Loades, Reign of Mary, pp. 305-6.
[330] Cal. Span., XIII, 290-1.
[331] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 278. On Ribault and his activities, see G. Lefèvre-Pontalis, Correspondance Politique de Odet de Selve, pp. 218-23; also Harbison, Rival Ambassadors, pp. 283-5.
[332] Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, III, ii, pp. 67-9. TNA KB8/37.
[333] These despatches contain a full account of Norroy the herald’s mission to the French king. Cal. Ven., VI, 1,148-51.
