Mary Tudor

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by David Loades


  [334] C. S. L. Davies, ‘England and the French War, 157-9’, in Loach and Tittler, The Mid-Tudor Polity. BL MS Stowe 571, ff 77-132.

  [335] Loades, Elizabeth I, pp. 116-17.

  [336] Cal. Span., XI, 393. Cal. Ven., VI, 1058. Henry Clifford, The Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, ed. J. Stevenson (1887), pp. 79-80.

  [337] This was according to a report written by Michel Surian long after the event. Cal. Ven., VI, 1537. Fresnada, the king’s confessor, was credited with this brief breakthrough.

  [338] Cal. Ven., VI, 1024.

  [339] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 289.

  [340] On the bull Praeclara, see M. C. Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, III, The Tudor Age, pp. 423-6.

  [341] This could not be assumed, as Paul had already withdrawn similar concessions made elsewhere. In this case Pole’s ‘special case’ representations were successful.

  [342] Philip and Mary to Paul IV, 21 May 1557. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, III, ii, pp. 474-6.

  [343] For a full discussion of Paul’s views on heresy, particularly in respect of Pole, see Dermot Fenlon, Heresy and Obedience in Tridentine Italy (1972).

  [344] ODNB.

  [345] TNA SP69/11/637. Ecclesiastical Memorials, III, ii, p. 37.

  [346] Cal. Ven., VI, 1161, 1166. Mayer, Reginald Pole, pp. 307-15.

  [347] Mayer, ibid., pp. 316-20.

  [348] Feria to Philip, 10 March 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 366-9. Mayer, ‘Cardinal Pole’s Final Legation’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 149-75.

  32. Bernardo Navagero to the doge and senate, 14 August 1557. Cal. Ven., VI, 1428. Navagero also understood that Mary was insisting that if any charges were to be proffered against Pole, they should be heard in England – as had been done with Cranmer.

  [349] Bernardo Navagero to the doge and senate, 14 August 1557. Cal. Ven., VI, 1428. Navagero also understood that Mary was insisting that if any charges were to be proffered against Pole, they should be heard in England – as had been done with Cranmer.

  [350] APC, VI, p.137.

  [351] Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland (1898), I, 416.

  [352] Susan Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds (2000), p. 218. Loades, Reign of Mary, p. 311.

  [353] BL Stowe MS 571, ff 77-132.

  [354] Juan de Pinedo to Fransisco de Vargas, 2 September 1557. Cal. Span., XIII, 317.

  [355] BL Stowe MS 571. This information is included in a note written on the document some years later by Richard Beale, then clerk of the council, saying that he had had it from Robert Davys, who had been Whightman’s assistant, ‘so the whole charge was borne by King Philip’ (f. 78).

  [356] Machyn, Diary, p.147.

  [357] APC, VI, pp. 141-2. A shortage of victuals appears to have been responsible.

  [358] Loades, Reign of Mary, pp. 376-8.

  [359] Ibid., p. 317. For a full discussion of these events see David Potter, ‘The Duc de Guise and the Fall of Calais’, English Historical Review, 98 (1983), pp. 481-512.

  [360] TNA SP69/11/699.

  [361] Loades, Reign of Mary, p. 317.

  [362] David Loades, England’s Maritime Empire, 1490–1690 (2000), pp. 83-5.

  [363] Cal. Ven., VI, 1,396-7.

  [364] P. Morgan, ‘The Government of Calais, 1485–1558’ (Oxford University DPhil, 1967).

  [365] The Cardinal of Siguenza to the princess dowager of Portugal, 29 January 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 346-7.

  [366] Philip to Feria, 31 January 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 347. Feria to Philip, 2 February 1558, ibid., 349-51. For the possible influence of sickness upon this reluctance, see F. J. Fisher, ‘Influenza and Inflation in Tudor England’, Economic History Review, 2nd Series, 18 (1965).

  [367] BL Cotton MS, Titus B II, f. 59. Printed in G. Burnet, The History of the Reformation in England (1681), II, pp. 324-5.

  [368] Loades, Reign of Mary, pp. 144-8.

  [369] Feria to Philip, 5 July 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 402-3.

  [370] Feria to Philip, to March 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 366-8. It is clear that Feria’s hostile and suspicious attitude made a difficult situation worse, as he never troubled to conceal his contempt.

  [371] TNA SP11/14, no. 3. Cal. Span., XIII, 416-7.

  [372] Cal. Span., XIII, 369. Loades, Reign of Mary, p. 324.

  [373] Loades, ‘Philip II and the Government of England’, in Claire Cross, David Loades and J. J. Scarisbrick (eds), Law and Government under the Tudors (1988), pp. 177-94.

  [374] Arras to Feria, 26 May 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 388.

  [375] APC, VI, p. 303,13 April 1558. Ruy Gomez to the queen, 26 July 1558. TNA SP69/13/811 (English copy).

  [376] Loach, Parliament and the Crown, pp. 159-72.

  [377] Ibid., p. 161. 4 & 5 Philip and Mary, c.16.

  [378] L. O. Boynton, The Elizabethan Militia, 1558–1638 (1967).

  [379] Feria to Philip, 2 February 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 351.

  [380] Machyn, Diary, p. 161.

  [381] TNA SP11/11/57. Loades, Reign of Mary, p. 375. Mayer, Reginald Pole, pp. 320-1.

  [382] For a recent and favourable assessment of the church at the end of Mary’s reign, see Eamon Duffy, Fires of Faith; Catholic England under Mary Tudor (2009), pp. 171-187.

  [383] For example the manors of Chingford, Runwell and Rivenhall in Essex, granted in March 1555. Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Philip and Mary, I, p. 225. It was Giovanni Michieli from whom she obtained the coach. J. A. Rowley Williams, ‘Image and Reality: The Lives of Aristocratic Women in Early Tudor England’ (University of Wales PhD, 1998),p. 232.

  [384] TNA LC9/52/21.

  [385] Mayer, Reginald Pole, pp. 302-55.

  [386] Machyn, Diary, p. 143.

  [387] Ibid., p. 159. For a full discussion of this sermon and its significance, see Eamon Duffy, ‘Cardinal Pole Preaching: St Andrew’s Day 1557’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 176-200.

  [388] Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 370-1.

  [389] TNA SP11/14, no. 1.

  [390] A. Feuillerat, Documents Relating to the Office of the Revels in the Reigns of Edward VI and Mary (1914), p. 335.

  [391] Ibid., pp. 225-31. For a fuller discussion of this see Loades, Intrigue and Treason (2004), p. 225.

  [392] Machyn, Diary, p. 162.

  [393] Cal. Ven., VI (ii), ii May 1557, p. 1,054.

  [394] Michieli had earlier said that she understood Spanish, but did not speak it. Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 225.

  [395] Loades, Intrigue and Treason, pp. 217-18.

  [396] Ibid., p. 226. Jane appears to have been an ‘innocent’, that is an adult with the mental age of a child. She had been in Mary’s service for many years. John Southworth, Fools and, Jesters at the English Court (1998), pp. 100-6.

  [397] Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 302-3.

  [398] BL Add. MS 710009.

  [399] Ibid., f. i5v. Extracts from the document, edited by Fiona Kisby, were published in Ian Archer et al. (eds), Religion, Politics and Society in Sixteenth Century England, Camden Society (2003), pp. 18-35.

  [400] Loades, Intrigue and Treason, pp. 222-3.

  [401] BL Add. MS 710009, ff. 31-2.

  [402] David Loades, The Tudor Court (1986), pp. 63-4. William Cecil later made strenuous efforts to stamp out this ‘room service’.

  [403] TNA E351/1795.

  [404] On Cornwallis, see R. C. Braddock, ‘The Rewards of Office Holding in Tudor England’, Journal of British Studies, 14 (1975) pp. 29-47.

  [405] Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 370-80.

  [406] Surian to the doge and senate, 15 January 1558, Cal. Ven., VI (ii) p. 1427. Philip to Pole, 21 January, Cal. Span., XIII , p. 340.

  [407] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 302.

  [408] Ibid., p. 377.

  [409] TNA SP11/13, nos. 51, 52, 54, 55, etc.

  [410] Machyn, Diary, pp. 161-2. Sir Edward Hastings (master of the horse) became lord chamberlain, Sir Thomas Cornwallis controller, Sir Henry Jerningham master of the horse, and Sir Henry Bedingfield vice chamberlain an
d captain of the guard.

  [411] Cal. Span., XIII, 398. Loades, Reign of Mary, p. 333.

  [412] Feria to Philip, I May 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 378-80.

  [413] Notes in Renard’s hand for a letter to Philip (it is not certain that it was ever sent), dated in the Calendar ‘March ? 1558’, but apparently written before the author knew of Thomas Stafford’s execution on 28 May 1557. Cal. Span., XIII, 272-3.

  [414] Loades, Mary Tudor, p. 303.

  [415] BL Cotton MS Titus B.II, f. 109. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, III, ii, p. 418.

  [416] Feria to Philip, 23 June 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 399-400.

  [417] Machyn, Diary, pp. 166-7.

  [418] T. Glasgow, ‘The Navy in the French Wars of Mary and Elizabeth, 1557–59’, Mariners Mirror, 53 (1967), pp. 321-42; 54 (1968), pp. 23-37.

  [419] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, pp. 306-7.

  [420] Extracts from A Journal of the Travels of Philip II by Jean Vandenesse, printed as an appendix to Cal. Span., XIII.

  [421] Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 380-3.

  [422] ‘The Count of Feria’s Despatch to Philip II of 14 November 1558’, ed. M. J. Rodriguez Salgado and Simon Adams, Camden Miscellany, XXVIII (1984) pp. 319/28.

  [423] An epitaphe upon the death of Quene Marie, Society of Antiquaries, Broadsheet 46. Foxe, Acts and Monuments, p. 2,098.

  [424] ‘Feria’s despatch’, pp. 320/29.

  [425] Philip to the princess dowager of Portugal, 4 December 1558. Cal. Span., XIII, 440. The letter was written in haste, and mainly about other matters.

  [426] Rodriguez Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire, pp. 166-7.

  [427] Ibid.

  [428] ‘Feria’s despatch’, pp. 320 /29 and note.

  [429] Ibid., pp. 25/35. Paget had refused to see Feria privately.

  [430] In fact Elizabeth had no particular animus against Boxall, who was a relative nonentity. He was a clerical pluralist on a grand scale, but of the second rank, being warden of New College, Winchester, Archdeacon of Ely and Dean of Peterborough. He became a principal secretary in December 1556.

  [431] Her story was written down by her servant, Henry Clifford, appearing in 1887 as The Life of Jane Dormer (cited above).

  [432] Cal. Ven., VII, p. 93. Rowley Williams, ‘Image and Reality’, p. 237.

  [433] Feria to Philip, 21 November 1558. Cal. Span., Elizabeth, I, pp. 1-4.

  [434] TNA SP12/1, no. 57.

  [435] Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, III, pp. 536-50.

  [436] Loades, Intrigue and Treason, pp. 250-5.

  [437] Rowley Williams, ‘Image and Reality’, p. 243.

  [438] Machyn, Diary, p. 178. For a discussion of Machyn’s attitude to Elizabeth (and other things), see Gary G. Gibbs, ‘Marking the Days: Henry Machyn’s Manuscript and the Mid-Tudor Era’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 281-308.

  [439] A Speciall grace, appointed to have been said after a banket at Yorke … in November 1558 (RSTC 7599). BL MS Royal 17. C. III.

  [440] Ibid.

  [441] Machyn, Diary, p. 180.

  [442] These sermons were not officially encouraged, and were banned by proclamation, but not until 27 December. Hughes and Larkin, Tudor Royal Proclamations, II, pp. 102-3.

  [443] Intrigue and Treason, p. 271. Machyn, Diary, p. 180.

  [444] TNA SP12/1, no. 7. L. S. Marcus, Janel Mueller and M. B. Rose, Elizabeth I. Collected Works (2000), p. 51.

  [445] Ibid., pp. 135-50. W. P. Haugaard, ‘Elizabeth Tudor’s Book of Devotions: A Neglected Clue to the Queen’s Life and Character’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 12 (1981), pp. 79- 105.

  [446] The Passage of our most dread Sovereign Lady, Queen Elizabeth, through the City of London … (1559), in A. F Pollard, Tudor Tracts, pp. 367-95.

  [447] Ibid., p. 387.

  [448] Perhaps suspecting her intention, none of the senior bishops of the Church would agree to crown her. It was left to the relatively junior Owen Oglethorpe of Carlisle to perform the ceremony. D. E. Hoak, ‘The Coronations of Edward VI, Mary I and Elizabeth I, and the Transformation of Tudor Monarchy’, in C. S. Knighton and Richard Mortimer (eds), Westminster Abbey Reformed (2003), pp. 114-51.

  [449] Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I: 1558–1581, ed. T. E. Hartley (1981), pp. 12-17.

  [450] D. Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Brittaniae et Hiberniae (1737), IV, p. 179; translated in Philip Hughes, Rome and the Counter-Reformation in England (1942), pp. 138-9.

  [451] J. Strype, Annals of the Reformation (1725), I, pp. 73-81.

  [452] Handbook of British Chronology, pp. 227-83. Loades, Elizabeth I, p. 137 and note.

  [453] Lucy Wooding, ‘The Marian Restoration and the Mass’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 227-57.

  [454] This friction had culminated in the so-called ‘Reneger incident’ in 1545 when Robert Reneger of Southampton became so exasperated by the attitude of the authorities at San Lucar that he seized an incoming Indiaman worth many thousands of ducats, for which he was mildly reprimanded by the council. G. Connell Smith, The Forerunners of Drake (1954) p. 141. TNA SPI/200, ff. 95-6.

  [455] Elizabeth Russell, ‘Mary Tudor and Mr Jorkins’, Historical Research, 63 (1990), pp. 263-76.

  [456] Christopher Goodman, How Superior Powers ought to he Obeyed (1558). John Ponet, A Short Treatise of Politic Power (1556). For a brief consideration of these views, see J. W. Allen, A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (1928), pp. 116-24.

  [457] Loades, Mary Tudor, pp. 315-45.

  [458] Wallace MacCaffrey, The Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime, 1558–1572 (1968).

  [459] John Bradford, in his Copy of a Letter, pointed out that Henry’s will had settled the succession on Mary on the condition that she married with the consent of the council. The council did consent – but after the event.

  [460] Loades, ‘The Personal Religion of Mary I’, in Duffy and Loades, The Church of Mary Tudor, pp. 1-32.

  [461] Richards, ‘Mary Tudor as “Sole Quene”’.

  [462] Juan Rafael de la Cuandra Blanco, ‘King Philip of Spain as Soloman the Second’, in de Groot, The Seventh Window, pp. 169-80. Pole had also compared Philip to Solomon in his rebuilding of the temple of the Church in England – a task that had been denied to ‘David’ (Charles V).

  [463] This was the law, the origin of which was attributed to the Salian Franks, that forbade any woman to inherit the throne of France, or to transmit such a claim.

 

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