The Path to Power m-2

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The Path to Power m-2 Page 77

by Margaret Thatcher


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  Footnotes

  1

  Theosophy was a mixture of mysticism, Christianity and the ‘wisdom of the East’, sense and nonsense.

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  2

  Aldermen were indirectly elected council members — elected to serve a fixed term by the directly elected element in the council; a highly honoured position which has since been abolished.

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  3

  From God Knows, by Minnie Louise Haskins.

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  4

  Problems of Socialist England (1947).

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  5

  The Party’s staff college in Yorkshire, where everyone from ordinary Party members to Cabinet ministers attended courses and discussions on policy.

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  6

  A.V. Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (8th edition, 1915), pp. 465-6.

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  7

  Admittedly he went on, as I used to point out: ‘What is beginning to worry some of us is “Is it too good to be true?” or perhaps I should say “Is it too good to last?” for, amidst all the prosperity, there is one problem that has troubled us in one way or another ever since the war. It’s the problem of rising prices.’

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  8

  ‘Pairing’ is an informal arrangement by which pairs of MPs from opposing parties agree to abstain in parliamentary votes when one or other of them wishes to be absent from the House of Commons. The arrangement does not usually apply to crucial votes.

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  9

  See pp. 247-9; also The Downing Street Years, pp. 642-67.

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  10

  A Balance of Power (1986), p. 42.

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  11

  Exchange Rates and Liquidity.

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  12

  Desmond Donnelly was a Labour MP for almost twenty years. He resigned the Labour whip in 1968 in protest at the withdrawal from east of Suez and died a Conservative.

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  13

  In Place of Strife was the — in retrospect ironically chosen — title of a Labour White Paper of 1969 which proposed a range of union reforms. The proposals had to be abandoned due to internal opposition within the Cabinet and the Labour Party, led by Jim Callaghan.

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  14

  See p. 198.

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  15

  Direct grant schools, which included some of the most famous and successful secondary schools in Britain, entry to which was often highly competitive, were funded direct from the DES and were outside local control.

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  16

  The Assisted Places Scheme makes public funds available for gifted children from poorer backgrounds to take up places in private schools. Grant-maintained schools are state schools which have opted to move outside local education authority control.

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  17

  See p. 219.

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  18

  See pp. 213-30.

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  19

  The PAR system was a characteristic innovation of the Heath Government — an ambitious attempt to review existing departmental programmes with the professed intention of radically reducing the role of Government, but with little or no effect.

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  20

  See p. 232.

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  21

  For the Department of Education and Science, see the previous chapter.

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  22

  ‘The Lesson’ (1902). The lesson in question was the Boer War, in which Britain had suffered many military reverses.

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  23

  A State of Emergency may be proclaimed by the Crown-effectively by Ministers — whenever a situation arises which threatens to deprive the community of the essentials of life by disrupting the supply and distribution of food, water, fuel or light, or communications. It gives Government extensive powers to make regulations to restore these necessities. Troops may be used. If Parliament is not sitting when the proclamation is made, it must be recalled within five days. A State of Emergency expires at the end of one month, but may be extended.

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  24

  John Poulson was an architect convicted in 1974 of making corrupt payments to win contracts. A number of local government figures also went to gaol. Reggie Maudling had served on the board of one of Poulson’s companies.

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  25

  ‘n-1’ was a semi-official policy that each year’s pay increase should be 1 per cent less than the previous year’s.

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  26

  Hansard, 13 June 1972: Volume 838, columns 1319-20.

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  27

  See pp. 497-8.

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  28

  Patrials were those citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies whose parents or grandparents were born in the UK; citizens of the UK and Colonies who had been settled here for five years; any Commonwealth citizen who had a father or mother or grandparent born in the UK.

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  29

  Alan Walters became my economic adviser as Prime Minister 1981-84 and again in 1989.

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  30

  Mi comprised the total stock of money held in cash and in current and deposit accounts at a particular point in time; M3 included the whole of Mi, with the addition of certain other types of bank accounts, including those held in currencies other than sterling.

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  31

  A property revaluation was due every five years, but was often postponed.

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  32

  i.e. Foreign Secretary, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Home Secretary.

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  33

  Jim Prior and Geoffrey Howe had nineteen votes each and John Peyton eleven.

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  34

  For the referendum see pp. 330-5.

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  35

  See pp. 335-6.

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  36

  See pp. 397–403.

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  37

  Alan Walters was then Cassel Professor at the London School of Economics. He left the following year for the United States to work for the World Bank. As already noted, he was my economic adviser as Prime Minister, 1981-84 and in 1989. Brian Griffiths (later Head of my Policy Unit at No. 10) was then a lecturer at the London School of Economics; he became a professor at the City University the following year. Gordon Pepper was an economic analyst at Greenwell & Co., and an expert on monetary policy. Sam Brittan then as now was Principal Economic Commentator on the Financial Times.

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  38

  See Chapter X.

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  39

  See pp. 397-403.

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  40

  The Mace — a silver gilt staff topped by an orb and cross — symbolizes the authority of the Crown delegated to the C
ommons. It rests on the table facing the Speaker when the House is sitting, within easy reach of the two front benches.

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  41

  For our differences on foreign affairs, see pp. 351-3, 361.

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  42

  For Wales there would be no such Assembly, but rather a Welsh Select Committee, a strengthened Welsh (advisory) Council, and Welsh spending would be financed by block grant.

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  43

  For further discussion of referenda see pp. 480, 501.

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  44

  See pp. 312-13.

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  45

  See pp. 349-53.

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  46

  Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York, 1994), p. 717. This is, of course, an oversimplified description of the concept. Diplomacy contains a fuller, masterly account of Dr Kissinger’s thinking.

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  47

  Typical of the coverage was an article from the Wall Street Journal (20 August 1975) I found in my briefing papers. It began: ‘Hardly anyone needs to be told now that Great Britain is the sick country of Europe. Everywhere you look the evidence abounds.’ The article described our position — falling output, runaway inflation, declining industries, a falling (and relatively low) standard of living. Its author reflected: ‘It is all very curious. For Britain has not been brought to this state by defeat in war, by earthquakes, plagues, droughts or any natural disasters. Britain’s undoing is its own doing. It has been brought to this by the calculated policies of its Government and by their resigned acceptance by the people.’

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  48

  For further discussion of the issue of Rhodesia see pp. 417-18.

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  49

  His death had a particular significance for me, quite apart from the loss of a courageous friend: within days I was assigned a team of personal detectives who have been with me ever since.

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  50

  See p. 57.

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  51

  The Attorney-General attempted unsuccessfully to stop NAFF applying for an injunction to prevent the boycott, claiming that he alone had discretion to decide on applications for injunctions from private citizens without standing in the action. The Court of Appeal found in favour of NAFF, but on appeal to the House of Lords the Attorney’s view was upheld.

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  52

  Hansard, Vol. 961, cc. 712-15, 25 January 1979. Asked whether withdrawal of a union card could constitute intimidation within the meaning of the law, the Attorney-General replied: ‘The answer… must be that it depends on whether the intimidation is of a lawful character.’

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  53

  In fact, it was not until 1990 that we passed legislation to end the closed shop, making it unlawful to deny people a job because they are, or are not, members of a union, though we had already significantly tightened the law on the closed shop in earlier legislation.

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  54

  See pp. 368-9.

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  55

  Our manifesto pledged us to introduce a British Nationality Act defining British citizenship and the right to abode, to set up a register of dependants from Commonwealth countries who had the right of settlement under existing legislation (whose numbers were uncertain) and to establish a quota system to restrict the rate of entry for settlement from non-EC countries. In the event, only the first of these measures was passed into law. During the 1980s primary immigration — the admission of heads of household in their own right — fell significantly, diminishing the number of future dependants with a right of settlement and reducing the overall total below 50,000 in most years, compared to 82,000 in 1975 and 69,000 in 1979.

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  56

  See pp. 435-8 for a discussion of the 1978 manifesto drafts.

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  57

  I described some of the subsequent events in The Downing Street Years, pp. 3-4.

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  58

  See The Downing Street Years, p. 102n. The report showed that SLADE had been using its strength in the printing industry to recruit among freelance artists, photographic studios and advertising agencies by threatening to ‘black’ the printing of their work unless they joined the union. The report’s conclusion was that the union had acted ‘without any regard whatever to the feelings, interests, or welfare of the prospective recruits’.

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  59

  See The Downing Street Years, pp. 32, 44-5.

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  60

  Our proposals were distilled into five tasks:

  1. To restore the health of our economic and social life, by controlling inflation and striking a fair balance between the rights and duties of the trade union movement.

  2. To restore incentives so that hard work pays, success is rewarded and genuine new jobs are created in an expanding economy.

  3. To uphold Parliament and the rule of law.

  4. To support family life, by helping people to become home-owners, raising the standards of their children’s education, and concentrating welfare services on the effective support of the old, the sick, the disabled and those who are in real need.

  5. To strengthen Britain’s defences and work with our allies to protect our interests in an increasingly threatening world.

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  61

  ‘The Dawn Wind’.

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  62

  The Downing Street Years, pp. 17-19.

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  63

  I have described the arguments about Europe, which formed the background to my stepping down as Prime Minister, in The Downing Street Years.

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  64

  See The Downing Street Years, pp. 724-46.

 

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