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Initiative (The Red Gambit Series Book 6)

Page 52

by Colin Gee


  Whether or not the President is correct about the Allies’ discontent, and the threat it poses to our coalition of freedom, we must consider the situation in its fullest context.

  We, America and our Allies, have been subjected to the vilest form of attack; an unprovoked aggression and betrayal of our nations by one country, supposedly friendly, and one so recently allied with us in that great crusade against the armies of oppression and aggression.

  The peoples of the Soviet Union and its allies have, by their act of unparalleled perfidy, laid themselves open to our wrath, and we should not feel shackled by the undoubted superiority of our technology, not feel shackled by its totally destructive nature, and certainly not feel shackled that it would visit hell on earth upon the enemy. Whilst we can only accept that there will be casualties amongst the innocent, with whom the guilty will inevitably surround themselves, we have to understand that this nation, this alliance, has at its disposal the means to end this war, and possibly all wars to come

  What appears to be lacking is the will to use it, a stance excused by the interpretation of how others might react; how others may ‘view’ such a use.

  This publication offers the following clarifications to assist the President in deciding on the right way forward.

  This great nation of ours has made prodigious sacrifices on the altar of freedom, and none more so than in this latest and most costly of wars. Our casualties, counted since Pearl Harbor to the fall of Berlin, numbered roughly two million, dead, wounded and missing. That number has recently risen to over two and a half million.

  That means that many hundreds of thousands of Americans have succumbed to injury or death, or are missing, since the enemy rolled across the divide last August.

  Recent events in the Baltic have claimed the lives of two and a half thousands of our youngest and finest, men from the Screaming Eagles Airborne, men who had experienced countless battles from the Normandy shores to the green fields of Poland.

  This single incident represents one of the greatest losses of life in the history of the United States military, and to what end?

  In just under a year of the new war, combined with the bloody echoes of the now concluded war against the Empire of Japan, this nation has sustained these unprecedented levels of loss, knowing that freedom is never free, and that we must fight to preserve it from tyranny, wherever it is to be encountered. We, as a people, have come together in support of our soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines. We have provided the weapons and fuels of war, and answered every weighty call that government and honour have placed upon our shoulders. Our armed forces have an expectation; we, here at home, have an expectation, that our administration will do everything within its power to end the war as soon as is possible, and for the minimum loss of life and limb amongst our sons, husbands, fathers and brothers. Actually more than that. Our armed forces and public alike have the absolute right to demand that our administration will do everything in its power to end the bloodshed, and ensure that as many brave American boys as possible return from the combat zone.

  Our valiant Allies will unquestionably understand and embrace that demand, for it is also their sons, their husbands, their fathers and their brothers that will profit from a speedy conclusion to this conflict.

  We have the means to end this war, and set in place a peace that could last for a thousand years.

  There is no satisfactory argument against it; against the inevitable saving of American and Allied lives, so this publication demands that President Truman employ the new atomic devices, and that he bring our loved ones safely back home.

  1423 hrs, Tuesday, 6th August 1946, the Oval Office, Washington DC, USA.

  “And there are no more… definitely no more?”

  “No, Mister President. We believe that there were upwards of two and a half thousand soldiers on that ship, plus the crew of five hundred and one… from which we have confirmed seventy US Navy survivors, and one hundred and thirty-seven paratroopers.”

  “Two hundred and seven men… that’s all?”

  “Yes, Sir, but I urge caution. Some of those boys won’t make it.”

  “Good God. I’ve a recommendation on my desk for another presidential citation for those airborne boys. Now I’m going to have to write a tribute to their lives, and try and convince folks that these brave boys gave their all in the service of our nation… how in the name of God do I do that? Eh?”

  “The British fouled up, Mister President. Their minesweepers didn’t do their job.”

  Truman gripped the desk so hard his fingers went white.

  “You can make that the last time you say that, George.”

  George Marshall relaxed his posture in acknowledgement of the rebuke.

  “These things happen, and I will not pillory our allies… is that clear? This was an enemy mine… it killed our boys… that’s all our people need to know. Anything else, we keep in house. Is that absolutely clear, gentlemen?”

  The responses reassured Truman and he relaxed.

  “Ok then. How are the people taking it, John?”

  Steelman couldn’t wrap it up in any way, and simply passed over the first edition of the Washington Evening Star, accompanying it with one word.

  “Bad.”

  Actually, it was much worse than bad.

  The editorial was pretty good, Truman had to admit, but it was also damaging to him and his administration, laying out the awful loss sustained by the ‘Screaming Eagles’, and asking for what had they died, undermining much of Truman’s intended speech in a few lines of well-thought out print.

  The setting out of the arguments for use of the bomb were well-known and well made, and Truman knew he would have a hard time rebutting the points, as he tackled the maintenance of the Allied Alliance head on, citing the cost in American lives of propping up the ailing group, with figures, awful figures, that showed how much blood America had spilt in the doing.

  “We’ve the heads up, as a courtesy only, from the nationals… they’re running the same editorial themes nationwide.”

  The Chief of Staff sat down heavily, his day having been spent in exhausting damage limitation…

  ‘… failed damage limitation…’

  Truman waited whilst the others in the Oval Office consumed the story and the editorial.

  The final face looked up and he continued.

  “Well, one thing’s for sure. Our lives got a little more complicated. George, do everything you can for those poor boys… living and dead… I want them all brought home straight away… straight away, y’hear me.”

  Marshall nodded, knowing it would be a simple enough matter.

  Dead men were easier to transport than the living.

  “Now, gentlemen, what can we do to fix this mess?”

  At 7pm Eastern Standard time, President Truman spoke primarily to the nation, although his words were broadcast around the globe, words addressing the wider issues of the conflict, words intent on specifically addressing the non-use of the bomb.

  He also spoke intimately about the losses the country had sustained, with particular reference to the tragic events surrounding the 101st’s recent history.

  Truman spoke for thirteen minutes, bringing spirit and passion to the cause he held so dear.

  Having laid out the facts as he saw them, he appealed to the heads and hearts of the people, seeking support and understanding for the position of his administration.

  His entourage followed his delivery word for word, the text agreed by all lifted from the pages of script to roll off Truman’s tongue, delivered in the President’s inimitable style.

  The speech in general, and bombshell at the end in particular, had already been discussed with Churchill, De Gaulle, and even Speer. The Allied leaders understood and were, in general, in agreement,

  But then the entourage started to shuffle their papers, seeking the missing page, as words hit their ears that did not come from the speech… simple words that came from Truman’s heart.r />
  “For nearly five years now, the free world has looked to us, seeking inspiration and guidance from the leadership we bring, and the sacrifices we are prepared to make in the name of our country’s values… make in the name of maintaining freedom for all.”

  “This leadership is best delivered by a country and people united behind its common conviction, a belief in the righteousness of the cause to which it is committed.”

  “I appeal to you, my countrymen, to further journey with me… to produce the materials of war… to send them across the oceans… to support our troops in the prosecution of this war… a war not of our making.”

  “We cannot do this shackled by doubt, be it doubt about the sacrifices this nation and our young men are making, or doubt about how best to bring an end to this conflict, an end that best serves the needs of the world.”

  “Yes, we have the technology… the aircraft, the tanks, the ships… and yes… we have the bomb… and we have all seen its terrible effects. Some Americans oppose its further use, others encourage its profligate use… both views have merit… and both have their issues.”

  “The world has been horrified by the images and reports that have sprung from the hands and lips of survivors.”

  “The bombs are the ultimate weapon of war, but they are horrible weapons and, quite rightly, we should think long and hard before using them again. Perhaps… it may be… that this display on Japan might ensure they are never needed again.”

  Truman paused and gathered himself.

  “As your President, I ask this of you. Understand that I will not shirk from their use, and would not hesitate to order such a use right at this moment, should it be prudent to do so… but… at this time… it is not.”

  “There are wider issues here, for we must convince the free world, and carry them with us before further employment. We cannot just expect the people of this planet to fall in line with our way of thinking. To do that would be arrogant at the very least.”

  “Our Allies baulk at further deployment of these weapons and we must, and will, listen to their concerns… and assuage them as best we can… and not deploy them until we can carry the world with us, in wholehearted agreement that their use is just and proper.”

  He eased his collar with a swipe of his finger.

  “That is the assurance I have given to the leaders of the Allied nations, and one I reiterate here… now… in front of you all.”

  “There is a weighty proposition that our refusal to use these weapons might be misunderstood, and might give comfort to our enemies. This is an argument I have heard, and can understand… but one I also disagree with.”

  “Our enemies have seen that we have the will, and will not shirk from their use, should the circumstances be right.”

  “On 16th April last year, I stood before Congress and made the following statement.”

  Truman produced a small piece of paper that contained a verbatim of the passage he wished to remind his people of.

  “And I quote… It is not enough to yearn for peace. We must work, and if necessary, fight for it. The task of creating a sound international organization is complicated and difficult. Yet, without such organization, the rights of man on earth cannot be protected. Machinery for the just settlement of international differences must be found. Without such machinery, the entire world will have to remain an armed camp. The world will be doomed to deadly conflict, devoid of hope for real peace.”

  “My fellow Americans, that is the crux of it all. We must… and we will… defeat the Communists… wherever we find them, and we, as a nation, and I, as your president, am as committed as ever to that end. But we must maintain the Alliance, and create a stronger organisation. By using the bomb unilaterally, without the agreement of our Allies, we risk sundering the very base of the organisation that we need to construct to ensure that peace will flourish for our children, and all the children that come after.”

  “Constant vigilance will be the price that we, as a world, will pay for our future liberty and freedoms.”

  ‘Here it comes…’

  “To that end, today, I announce that we will formalise and strengthen our international Alliance under a new title… the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation… a grouping that will bring the nations fighting in this conflict together, unified under the umbrella of an organisation conceived by free peoples, for the purpose of maintaining freedom for all.”

  “As soon as is practicable, I will travel to Europe and meet with the heads of state of our Allies, and together we will bring forth the new organisation, NATO, born out of our common desire to combine all our peoples in the defence of liberty and freedom.”

  “I humbly pray to Almighty God that you, the people, will embrace this new organisation, and permit America to lead the world to peace and prosperity.”

  “Good night to you all, and may God bless America.”

  The morning newspapers and radio programmes were less than enthusiastic, hardly addressing the formation of NATO, instead focussing on the failure to employ the bombs and the ‘weak’ excuses the President had cited.

  Around the world, the press was generally more accepting, and there was a slight change in attitude towards the bomb, now that the views of the US president were laid bare.

  However, it was in Moscow that the reverberations of Truman’s words made most impact, and the interpretation of them started, imperceptibly at first, to crystallise divisions in the hierarchy of the Soviet State, although, in truth, there was only one interpretation that really mattered, and his was that there was a weakness to be explored and exploited.

  In Stalin’s unchallenged opinion, the formation of NATO was considered almost an irrelevance.

  Battles are sometimes won by generals; wars are nearly always won by sergeants and privates.

  F.E. Adcock

  Chapter 167 - THE PHOTOGRAPHS

  1545 hrs, Wednesday, 7th August 1946, Bad Nauheim Air Base, Germany.

  Two weeks previously, a Mk XI-PR Spitfire of the USAAF’s 14th Photographic Reconnaissance Squadron, had overflown Auschwitz-Birkenau in Poland, one of a number of missions trying to ascertain the nature of the present occupants of the former Nazi death camp.

  Photo-interpretation had been done, but the evidence was still not there, although unconfirmed reports from the ground indicated that there were a leavening of Allied POWs and political prisoners from amongst the ‘liberated’ Poles, the POWs located mostly in the brick-built Auschwitz site, a former Polish cavalry base.

  The killing machines, the huge gas chambers and ovens that had been the despicable heart of Birkenau, had been demolished by the retreating Germans in 1945, in a desperate attempt to hide the monstrous crimes they perpetrated there.

  The Soviets used the remaining facilities to keep their undesirables in one place, and a burgeoning camp developed.

  Photo-recon birds visited regularly, and the intelligence interpreters steadily built up a picture of what was happening.

  One such interpreter looked long and hard at the latest photos, no more than three hours old, and found an itch he couldn’t scratch.

  There had been a short delay whilst the camera was recovered from the wrecked Spitfire. Its damaged undercarriage had lost the unequal struggle to support the aircraft’s weight and collapsed the photoreconnaissance bird onto the grass, which had trenched and flipped the aircraft over in the middle of the strip, where it had burned merrily until the firemen put out the flames.

  The pilot, showing incredible presence of mind for a man with a broken arm and a cannon shell fragment in the nape of his neck, had managed to extract the camera before fire claimed it.

  His bravery meant that the latest pictures were preserved, setting in motion a string of events with far-reaching consequences.

  Despite the fact that a break was called by the unit’s officer, the sergeant, whose job it was to interpret the new images, wandered around the huge filing system and pulled the previous shots, and, for good measure, t
he two missions before.

  He laid them out across the desk, sat back, and examined the major differences whilst seeking the subtle ones.

  His thoughts were disturbed by the appearance of a mug of coffee.

  “Whatcha got, Pete?”

  “Not sure, Hank… not sure.”

  He picked up the first set of photos.

  “The camp… same as ever… a few extra shadows on the ground… more people… but nothing of note.”

  He leant over and retrieved the next set.

  “You did the interpretation on this set, Hank. A few extra lorries… that train in the main compound… but nothing to write home about. Except a couple of civilian lorries with a load of pipes on.”

  Hank couldn’t remember the set of photos particularly, but if that’s what his report said, then that’s what he had seen.

  He checked the photo and stirred a memory as he looked at the loaded lorries parked openly on the banks of the river.

  “Oh yeah… I questioned the square blocks… I remember now… concrete mountings… so I was informed.”

  Peter Manning picked up the set dated 23rd July and offered them up.

  “I did the interpretation on these. The only thing of note was the lorries with the pipes on board… look to the west of the main camp… up by the Vistula there…”

  Henry Childs put the lens to his eye and sought out the lorries in question.

  “Yep… I see them. More lorries this time. Lots and lots of pipes… more mounting blocks… the call was what?”

  “Extra water to the camp, seeing as it was expanding. Seemed logical as they started at the river.”

  “Fair enough, Pete. And they signed off on that ok?”

  “Yep.”

  Hank offered the set back, but Pete Manning kept his hands still.

 

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