And since you complained of your militia in the beginning of our discussion, let me say that if you had organized it as I have explained above, and it had subsequently not proved itself, you would have cause to complain; but if it was not organized and trained in the manner I suggested it could place the blame on you for having produced an abortion instead of a perfect figure. The Venetians, as well as the Duke of Ferrara, tried this method but were unable to carry it through—because of their own defects and not as a result of those of their men. And I can assure you that any of those rulers who possess a state in Italy today and who try this path will be ruler of this province before anyone else. Things will develop in that state as they did in the Kingdom of Macedonia, which, under the rule of Philip—who had learned the manner of organizing armies from Epaminondas the Theban—became so powerful by means of this kind of organization and these practices that it could occupy all of Greece in a few years. While the rest of Greece remained at ease and occupied herself with reciting comedies, Philip left such a foundation to his son that he was able to make himself prince of the entire world.
Therefore, anyone who despises these thoughts despises his principality, if he be a prince; if he be a citizen, he despises his native city. And I complain about Nature, which either should not have made me aware of this or should have given me the means of putting it into practice. Nor can I dream of ever having another opportunity, since I am old; and because of this, I have been very frank with you. Since you are young and qualified, if the things I have said please you, you can, at the proper time and to the profit of your princes, mention them and suggest that they adopt them. I would not have you be afraid or dismayed for this province of Italy, for it seems it was born to revive dead things, as we have seen in its poetry, painting, and sculpture. But as for myself, because I am along in years, I have no hope of seeing this come about. And yet, if Fortune had, in the past, conceded me as great a state as is sufficient for such an enterprise, I believe that I would have shown the world in a very short time how much ancient institutions are worth; and, without a doubt, I would have added to the glory of my state or lost it with no shame.
THE LIFE OF CASTRUCCIO CASTRACANI OF LUCCA
EDITORS’ NOTE
In July of 1520 Machiavelli traveled from Florence to nearby Lucca on private business. While there, he composed a brief work on the affairs of Lucca and read in Latin a biography by Niccolo Tegrimi on the life of Castruccio Castracani (1281-1328), the town’s most illustrious citizen and a medieval condottiere. Machiavelli’s interest in writing a biography of Castruccio was more than a passing fancy, for this warrior prince was one of Florence’s cleverest adversaries, and Machiavelli would treat him again in The History of Florence (II, 25-26, 29-30). While the biography gave Machiavelli the opportunity to sharpen his talents as a historian, it nevertheless left his creative imagination unfettered by the demands of the larger work and allowed him to create a biography closer in spirit to literature than to history, the portrait of an archetypal prince akin to Cesare Borgia in The Prince, whose military tactics reflected some of the concepts embodied in The Art of War.
No contemporary reader of this work ever expected precise historical accuracy from it. Instead, the author was supposed to fashion his biographical sketch in such a way that its literary structure would underscore the protagonist’s greatness. Thus, when Zanobi Buondelmonti wrote to Machiavelli to thank him for the gift of the work, he praised it highly while at the same time recognizing that the many witty sayings Machiavelli attributed to Castruccio were taken from other literary works (primarily Diogenes Laertius’s Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers). Far from criticizing Machiavelli for including this essentially false information, however, Buondelmonti noted that Machiavelli might have done a better job of making the sayings correspond to his character’s otherwise admirable qualities. For Machiavelli’s readers, then, the demands of modern historical research were no more compelling than the need to find aesthetically pleasing patterns and politically relevant examples in the text.
The biography first appeared in the 1532 edition of Machiavelli’s Prince. For many years thereafter, in both Italian editions and foreign translations, the life of Castruccio was often included with Machiavelli’s more famous discussion of the ideal ruler. Men of letters admired its literary qualities, and Henry Fielding was even moved to imitate its structure in one of his novels, Jonathan Wild. Until very recently, however, its importance as a case study of the impact of mercurial Fortune on a great leader’s political and military career was often overlooked.
Written by Niccolb Machiavelli and Sent to His Very Dear Friends Zanobi Buondelmonti and Luigi Alamanni
Those who think about it, my dearest Zanobi and Luigi, are amazed to find that all men, or the majority of them, who have accomplished great deeds in this world, and who have been outstanding among the men of their day, have both in their origins and their birth been humble and obscure, or have been afflicted by Fortune in an extraordinary manner. Because all of them have either been exposed to wild beasts or have had such base parents that, being ashamed of them, they have made themselves sons of Jupiter or some other god. Since many of them are known to all of us, it would be boring and not very acceptable to my readers to give their names again; therefore, we shall consider their names superfluous and omit them. I believe that Fortune, wishing to demonstrate to the world that it is she, and not Prudence, who makes men great, begins to show her influence at a time when Prudence can have nothing to do in the matter, in order that she may claim credit for everything.
Castruccio Castracani was one of those men; like the others, he had neither a happy nor a renowned birth, as will be clear in the narration of the course of his life. Having discovered in this biography many things that are truly exemplary concerning the power of ingenuity and of Fortune, I thought I should recall it to the memory of men. And I wanted to dedicate it to you, since more than any men I know, you delight in noble deeds.
Let me continue. The Castracani family was numbered among the noble families of Lucca, although at present, being subject to our changing world, it no longer exists. Into this family was born one Antonio, who took Holy Orders, was named canon of St. Michael’s Church of Lucca, and was called Messer Antonio as a sign of respect. He had no family other than a sister, whom he married off to Buonaccorso Cennami; but since Buonaccorso died and left her a widow, she decided not to marry again and returned to live with her brother.
Messer Antonio had a vineyard behind the house he lived in which could easily be reached from many directions since it was bordered by many gardens. One morning, just after sunrise, while Madonna Dianora (for that was Messer Antonio’s sister’s name) was walking through the vineyard while picking certain herbs for seasonings, as is the custom of women, she heard a rustling under a vine in the thicket and, turning her glance there, she heard a weeping sound. She moved toward the noise and uncovered through the foliage the hands and face of a baby boy who seemed to be asking for her help. Half amazed and frightened, but full of compassion and wonder, she took the child in her arms, brought him home, washed him, wrapped him in the usual white swaddling clothes, and presented him to her brother on his return home. When he had heard the story and had seen the child, Antonio was no less filled with pity and wonder than she; the two of them discussed what course of action they should take and decided to raise the boy themselves, since he was a priest and she had no children. They took a nurse into their home, and the brother and sister brought the baby up as if he were their own son; and when they baptized him, they named him Castruccio in memory of their father.
Castruccio’s charm grew with his years, for in everything he showed ability and prudence; and he quickly learned everything Antonio taught him to do. Wanting to make him a priest in order to relinquish to him his canonry and other benefices some day, Messer Antonio trained him accordingly. But he had come upon a mind totally alien to priestly pursuits, for as soon as Castruccio reached the age of fourt
een and began to fear Antonio less-and Madonna Dianora not at all—he laid his church books aside and began to occupy himself with weapons; nor did he delight in anything save handling them or in running, jumping, wrestling, and other sports wherein he could show the greatest strength of mind and body, for he far surpassed others of his own age. Whenever he read, nothing pleased him except those accounts of wars or of the deeds of the greatest men. Because of this, Messer Antonio suffered immeasurable unhappiness and distress.
There was, in the city of Lucca, a nobleman of the Guinigi family called Francesco, who far outstripped all the other people of Lucca in wealth, looks, and ingenuity. He was a professional soldier and had long fought under the Visconti of Milan; and because he was a Ghibelline, he was admired above all the others of that faction in Lucca. Since he was in Lucca and met with his fellow citizens morning and evening under the loggia of the Podestà, which is at the head of the Piazza di San Michele (the main square of Lucca), he saw Castruccio a number of times in the company of his neighborhood friends playing those games I mentioned above; and since it seemed to Francesco that besides surpassing them all Castruccio had a kingly authority over them, and that they, in certain respects, loved and respected him, he became very anxious to learn who he was. Informed by some bystanders as to Castruccio’s identity, he became ever more anxious to have him in his service. And so, one day, after having summoned him, Francesco asked where he would rather be, in the house of a nobleman who would teach him how to ride and bear arms, or in the house of a priest, where he would hear nothing but masses and church services. Messer Francesco realized how happy Castruccio was to hear horses and weapons discussed but observed that the boy was a bit hesitant to speak. When Messer Francesco encouraged him to talk, he replied that if his guardian agreed, nothing could please him more than to leave behind his studies for the priesthood and take up those of a soldier. His reply pleased Francesco very much, and in a few days he arranged things so that Messer Antonio placed Castruccio into his keeping. Messer Antonio was persuaded more by the boy’s nature than by anything else, judging that he could not keep him long in his present state.
Castruccio thus passed from the house of Messer Antonio Castracani, the canon, to that of Messer Francesco Guinigi, the condottiere. It is extraordinary to think how in a very short time he acquired all those abilities and habits required of a true gentleman. He first became an excellent horseman, riding even the wildest horse with skill; and in jousts and tournaments, although he was still quite young, he was more outstanding than the others. No matter what the feat of strength or skill was, he found no man to surpass him. To this were added good manners, especially an extremely modest nature; no one ever saw him perform an act or say a word that was displeasing, and he was respectful to his elders, modest to his equals, and polite to his inferiors. All these things made him loved not only by the entire Guinigi family but by the whole city of Lucca.
At about the time when Castruccio was eighteen years old, the Ghibellines were chased out of Pavia by the Guelfs, and Messer Francesco Guinigi was sent by the Visconti of Milan to help them. With him went Castruccio, who was put in charge of the whole company. Throughout this expedition Castruccio gave so many indications of his prudence and his courage that no one who took part in the campaign made as much of a reputation as he did; and his name became great and honored not only in Pavia but in all of Lombardy.
Returning to Lucca much more respected than when he had left, Castruccio never missed the chance to make friends, using every means necessary for gaining the friendship of men. But Messer Francesco Guinigi died, leaving behind him a son of thirteen named Pagolo. Francesco made Castruccio tutor and guardian of his property. Summoning him before his death, he begged him to raise his own son with the same devotion with which Castruccio himself had been raised, and to return to his son whatever gratitude he had not yet been able to render to the father. After Guinigi’s death and Castruccio’s guardianship of Pagolo, Castruccio grew so much in reputation and in power that the goodwill he enjoyed in Lucca began to turn to envy—so much so that many slandered him and considered him a suspicious man with the heart of a tyrant. Chief among these was the head of the Guelf faction, Messer Giorgio degli Opizi. Hoping to become ruler of Lucca after Francesco’s demise, he came to feel that Castruccio, who had gained control because of his merits, had stolen his opportunity; and because of this he spread rumors to put Castruccio in a bad light. At first Castruccio was only put off by this, but soon he became apprehensive, for he believed that Messer Giorgio would not rest until he had brought him into disfavor with the lieutenant of King Robert of Naples, who might have him thrown out of Lucca.
At that time, Uguccione della Faggiuola d’Arezzo was lord of Pisa, first having been elected captain by the people and later having made himself ruler. With Uguccione were some Luccan exiles of the Ghibelline faction with whom Castruccio plotted in order to reinstate them with Uguccione’s assistance; he also made his scheme known to his friends inside the city, who could no longer stand the power of the Opizi. Having told them what they should do, Castruccio cautiously fortified the Onesti tower and filled it with munitions and abundant provisions in order to be able, if necessary, to hold out there for several days. During the night that he and Uguccione had decided upon, he gave the signal to Uguccione, who had come down with many men onto the plain between Lucca and the mountains; and when he saw the sign, Uguccione advanced on St. Peter’s Gate and set the entrance ablaze. At the same time Castruccio called the people to arms by a prearranged signal and forced the gate from the inside, so that when Uguccione and his troops had entered, they occupied the area, killed Messer Giorgio together with his entire family and many of his friends and supporters, and drove out the governor. Uguccione reorganized the city’s government as he pleased, damaging it in the sense that, as the figures show, more than one hundred families were banished from Lucca. Of those who fled, some went to Florence while others went to Pistoia, both cities held by the Guelf faction and consequently eventually to become enemies of Uguccione and the people of Lucca.
Since the Florentines and the other Guelfs felt that the Ghibelline party had seized too much power in Tuscany, they agreed to restore the exiles from Lucca. Organizing a huge army, they entered the Nievole Valley and occupied the city of Montecatini; from there they set up camp at Montecarlo in order to have a clear passage to Lucca. Meanwhile, Uguccione assembled a goodly number of Pisans, Luccans, and, in addition, a large number of German mounted troops that he had brought with him from Lombardy, and he moved toward the Florentine camps. Hearing that the enemy was drawing near, the Florentine troops left Montecarlo and placed themselves between Montecatini and Pescia; Uguccione set up his troops below Montecarlo, two miles away from the enemy. For several days there were only some light skirmishes between the cavalry of both armies, for Uguccione had taken ill and the Pisans and the Luccans were avoiding a pitched battle.
But his illness grew more serious, and Uguccione withdrew to Montecarlo for treatment, leaving Castruccio in charge of the army. This caused the downfall of the Guelfs, for they took heart, thinking that the enemy army was without a leader. Castruccio knew this and waited several days to reinforce their belief, pretending to be afraid and not letting anyone leave the fortifications. The Guelfs, on their side, became more arrogant as they observed this fear, and each day they presented themselves drawn up in battle formation before Castruccio’s army. When Castruccio believed that he had fostered in them enough courage and had learned their battle order, he decided to fight. First he made a speech to encourage his own soldiers and showed them that victory was assured if they were willing to follow his commands.
Castruccio had noticed how the enemy had placed its strongest forces in the center ranks and its weaker men on the flanks; he consequently did the opposite, putting his bravest men on his flanks and his weakest men in the middle. He left camp with this plan of battle, and when he came within sight of the enemy army, which had, as it usually did
, moved up insolently to offer battle, he ordered that the middle ranks advance slowly while the units on the flanks charge ahead In this manner, when the battle was joined only the flanks of the two armies fought while the center remained stationary, since Castruccio’s center had stayed so far behind that those of the enemy’s center did not make contact. Thus, Castruccio’s best men fought the weakest troops of the enemy, and their best soldiers stood still without being able either to harm the enemy facing them or to give aid to their comrades. Both flanks of the enemy were, without difficulty, put to flight; those in the center, seeing themselves exposed on their flanks, fled without having had the opportunity to show their bravery. The rout and the slaughter were great, for there were more than ten thousand men killed; among them were many leaders and great knights of the Guelf party from all over Tuscany, as well as many princes who had come to help them, including Piero, the brother of King Robert, Carlo, his nephew, and Filippo, ruler of Taranto. Castruccio’s losses did not reach three hundred; among these was that of Francesco, Uguccione’s son, a valiant young man who was killed during the first charge.
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