The Rise of the Fourth Reich
Page 29
In the days following 9/11, the American news media finally mentioned the existence of this “shadow government.” Of course, there was no mention of the Nazi-connected globalists who had inspired it.
“Their [Cheney’s and Rumsfeld’s] participation in the extra-constitutional continuity-of-government exercises, remarkable in its own right, also demonstrates a broad, underlying truth about these two men,” Mann stated. “For three decades, from the Ford administration onward, even when they were out of the executive branch of government, they were never far away. They stayed in touch with defense, military, and intelligence officials, who regularly called upon them. They were, in a sense, a part of the permanent hidden national-security apparatus of the United States.”
ALL OF THIS was a far cry from the fringe rants of neo-Nazis like George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the American Nazi Party, who was assassinated by a former colleague in August 1967.
Rockwell, a former navy pilot during World War II and failed artist like his hero, Adolf Hitler, saw the telltale signs of conspiracy abroad in America, but, like Senator Joseph McCarthy and the more recent Holocaust deniers, attributed it to “international communism” coupled with the anti-Semitic view of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy. He formed various National Socialist political organizations and made headlines trying to conduct public rallies in various places.
Rockwell, as well as the more recent Nazi skinheads, merely served to focus public attention on these fringe elements of society and away from the military-industrial empire being created all around them.
The United States has long been governed by men connected to secret societies such as the Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission, both of which can be traced back to much earlier societies, like the previously mentioned Bavarian Illuminati and Freemasonry. These groups can, in turn, be traced back to even earlier societies, such as the Knights Templar and Rosicrucians, which all had a particular interest in alchemy and the occult. As reported earlier, it was the right-wing German Thule Gesellschaft, or Thule Society, an offshoot of the Teutonic Knights, that formed the nucleus of the fledgling Nazi Party. Whether or not the infamous Illuminati still exists, its credo “the end justifies the means” lives on in the hearts of the corporate owners of today—globalists who value the blending of state and corporate power, the very definition of fascism.
One organization that forms the connective tissue between these various secret groups may be the shadowy Bilderberg Group—powerful men and women, many of European royalty, who meet in secret each year to discuss the issues of the day. This reclusive group is considered by researchers to be the center of the world’s social and economic manipulation, yet the Bilderberg meetings receive virtually no coverage in the corporate mass media, even though well-known American journalists, such as William F. Buckley and Bill Moyers, attend.
Founded by Prince Bernhard, the Bilderberg Group is composed of the inner-core elite of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission. The name “Bilderberg” has been identified with the Bilderberg Hotel in Oosterbeek, Holland, where the group was first discovered, but some researchers claim the name was derived from an I. G. Farben subsidiary, Farben Bilder. Prince Bernhard was a director of Farben Bilder in the 1930s.
Dutch prince Bernhard—full name Bernhard Julius Coert Karel God-fried Pieter, prince of the Netherlands and of Lippe-Biesterfeld—was the primary impetus for the Bilderberg meetings. As previously noted, Bernhard was a former member of the Nazi Schutzstaffel, or Elite Guard, and an employee of Germany’s I. G. Farben in Paris. In 1937, he married Princess Juliana of the Netherlands and became a major shareholder and officer in Dutch Shell Oil, along with Britain’s Lord Victor Rothschild.
In England, after the war, Rothschild and Polish socialist Dr. Joseph Hieronim Retinger encouraged Prince Bernhard to create the Bilderberg Group, which began as unofficial meetings between members of Europe’s wealthy elite. The official creation of this highly secret organization came about in the early 1950s, following discussions between Prince Bernhard and Dr. Retinger, a founder of the European Movement after World War II. Retinger became known as the “father of the Bilderbergers.”
Retinger was brought to America by Averell Harriman just after the war, when Harriman was U.S. ambassador to England. In America, Retinger visited prominent citizens, such as David and Nelson Rockefeller, John Foster Dulles, and then CIA director Walter Bedell Smith, all men with close connections to the Nazis.
Previously, Retinger had formed the American Committee on a United Europe, working alongside future CIA director and CFR member Allen Dulles, then CFR director George Franklin, CIA official Thomas Braden, and former OSS chief William Donovan. Donovan began his intelligence career as an operative of J. P. Morgan Jr. and was known as an “Anglophile,” a supporter of close British-American relations. Retinger continued his participation in Bilderberg meetings until his death in 1960. Another CIA-connected person who helped create the Bilderberg Group was Life magazine publisher C. D. Jackson, who served under President Eisenhower as “special consultant for psychological warfare.”
In fact, the list of American institutions that initially supported the Bilderberg Group reads like a list of prewar financiers of Hitler—First National City Bank [now Citibank], Morgan Guaranty Trust Company, Ford Motor Company, Standard Oil, and Du Pont.
The common denominator of these societies seems to be the acquisition of money, which translates into power. Spencer Oliver, the ranking Democratic Party leader whose telephone was bugged as part of the Watergate break-in, has stated, “The biggest weapon in American politics is money, because you can use money to influence people, to influence the media, to influence campaigns, to influence individuals, to bribe people.” As has been seen, the fascist globalists have all the money. They are where the buck stops…and begins.
In 1991, then Arkansas governor Bill Clinton was honored as a Bilderberg guest, and the next year he ran for and won the presidency of the United States. After his election, Clinton made no mention of the Bilderberg meetings. Hillary Clinton attended a meeting in 1997, becoming the first American first lady to do so. Thereafter, talk steadily grew concerning her future role in politics, and by 2008 she was a leading Democratic presidential candidate.
One illustration of globalist control within the Clinton administration can be found in the person of President Clinton’s treasury secretary Robert E. Rubin, a former cochairman of Goldman Sachs, who was named to head Clinton’s National Economic Council. Despite Clinton’s promises to “reform our politics so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people,” according to Professor Donald Gibson, who lectures on wealth and power at the University of Pittsburgh and is author of Battling Wall Street, Rubin, in his capacity as council director, fought “to protect China’s preferred trading status, to protect employers’ interest in health-care reform, and to pursue a tougher policy in negotiations with Japan.”
“At Goldman Sachs, Rubin had been involved in the kind of high-level paper-shuffling that Bill Clinton has said was undermining the economy,” Gibson wrote. “Goldman Sachs, along with Morgan Stanley, First Boston, Dillon Read, and others had arranged corporate mergers and acquisitions costing hundreds of billions of dollars in the 1980s. Goldman Sachs and other investment banks were paid many millions of dollars to arrange these deals. For example, Goldman Sachs earned $10 million arranging U.S. Steel’s 1982 buyout of Marathon Oil. Rubin’s firm was paid $18.5 million for its role in the 1984 Texaco takeover of Getty Oil, and it was paid $15 million for facilitating General Electric’s 1986 acquisition of RCA/NBC. In other words, Rubin would seem to have been part of the problem.”
In 2007, Rubin was vice chairman of the board of directors of the Council on Foreign Relations.
NOT JUST FRINGE conspiracy theorists have spoken out about hidden control in the world. President Woodrow Wilson, who was intimately connected with conspiratorial power, once wrote, “Some of the biggest men in th
e United States, in the field of commerce and manufacture, are afraid of somebody, are afraid of something. They know there is a power somewhere so organized, so subtle, so watchful, so interlocked, so complete, so pervasive that they had better not speak above their breath when they speak in condemnation of it.”
President Franklin D. Roosevelt once wrote, “The real truth of the matter is, as you and I know, that a financial element in the large centers has owned the government ever since the days of Andrew Jackson.”
Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, a liaison officer between the Pentagon and the CIA in the 1960s, was able to witness the control mechanisms over both intelligence and the military. Prouty said the United States is run by a “secret team,” answerable only to themselves. Their power is derived from their vast covert intragovernmental infrastructure and its direct connections with private industries, mutual funds, investment houses, universities, and the news media, including foreign and domestic publishing houses. Prouty would have been horrified to learn that this “secret team” might include Nazis brought into the military-industrial complex after the war.
Another insider who confirmed that a plot was afoot was President Truman’s choice for America’s first secretary of defense, James V. Forrestal, a man intimately connected with the globalists. Forrestal noted, “These men are not incompetent or stupid. They are crafty and brilliant. Consistency has never been a mark of stupidity. If they were merely stupid, they would occasionally make a mistake in our favor.”
They do not make mistakes that favor the best interests of the American people. Take, for example, the position assumed by the George W. Bush administration toward the Russian Federation.
Following the collapse of Communism, there was a splendid opportunity to create new friendship and working arrangements with the eighty-six political entities that comprise the new Russian Federation. No real negative mention was made of Russia during the Clinton years. Yet, suddenly, following the arrival of the Bush administration and the attacks of 9/11, Russia has been presented as a potential enemy and the United States has provoked hostility there by aggressive diplomatic and military maneuvers.
“When the Cold War ended, we seized upon our ‘unipolar moment’ as the lone superpower to seek geopolitical advantage at Russia’s expense,” noted conservative writer Patrick J. Buchanan. “Though the Red Army had packed up and gone home from Eastern Europe voluntarily, and Moscow felt it had an understanding we would not move NATO westward, we exploited our moment. Not only did we bring Poland into NATO, we brought in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, and virtually the whole Warsaw Pact, planting NATO right on Mother Russia’s front porch. Now there is a scheme afoot to bring in Ukraine and Georgia in the Caucasus, the birthplace of Stalin.”
Others saw America’s reaction to Russian peace overtures as nothing less than aggression, perhaps a continuation of the National Socialist agenda of destroying the old Soviet Union. According to Mike Whitney of the Information Clearing House, a reader-supported Web information service, “Since September 11 [2001], the Bush administration has carried out an aggressive strategy to surround Russia with military bases, install missiles on its borders, topple allied regimes in Central Asia, and incite political upheaval in Moscow through U.S.-backed ‘pro-democracy’ groups.” It was also noted that it was Bush’s America, not Russia, that withdrew from the antiballistic missile treaty, a move that reminded some of the USSR’s Cold War–era public pledge never to be the first to use nuclear weapons, a pledge never reciprocated by the United States.
In mid-2007, such actions prompted federation president Vladimir Putin to chastise the United States in a major press conference at the Forty-third Munich Conference on Security Policy. Putin’s reasoned remarks were little reported in the corporate-controlled U.S. mass media. “For the first time in history,” he said, “there are elements of the U.S. nuclear capability on the European continent. It simply changes the whole configuration of international security…. Of course, we have to respond to that.” Criticizing Bush’s “war on terror,” Putin also produced a copy of a report from Amnesty International and stated, “The organization has concluded that the United States is now the principal violator of human rights and freedoms worldwide.”
Equally disturbing was Bush’s announced advocacy of an American first-strike nuclear capability as well as his proposed “missile defense” system, which though defended as a deterrent to rogue nations, such as North Korea, nevertheless will be placed in Europe. Nobel Prize–winner Thomas C. Schelling of Harvard, an early advocate of the U.S. Mutual Assured Destruction (MAD) Cold War strategy, which theorized that equal nuclear capability would deter a nuclear exchange, shifted his rhetoric from “deterrence” to “compellence,” a newspeak term for blackmailing nations into submission through the threat of nuclear weapons.
Pat Buchanan asked: “How would we react if China today brought Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela into a military alliance, convinced Mexico to sell oil to Beijing and bypass the United States, and began meddling in the affairs of Central America and Carribbean countries to effect the electoral defeat of regimes friendly to the United States? How would we react to a Russian move to put anti-missile missiles on Greenland?”
Some researchers saw this return to the Cold War by America as yet another sign that the global National Socialists have not given up on trying to coerce Russia, a nation only too familiar with socialist tyranny, into their New World Order.
Following the tempestuous Clinton administration, the Republicans took power and swiftly set out on a new “neoconservative” path for the party. John W. Dean, former Nixon counsel, who was jailed for felonies committed at the time of Watergate, referred to this new Republican conservatism in his 2007 book Broken Government: How Republican Rule Destroyed the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Branches: “It has been new on Capitol Hill since about 1997, about three years after the GOP gained control of the House; it has been new to the White House since 2001, with the arrival of George W. Bush and Richard B. Cheney, although its roots first emerged during the Nixon presidency and began blossoming in the Reagan and Bush Senior [sic] years.” Although Dean never quite identifies the origin of this “new Republican way of thinking,” it is possible that it stemmed from the National Socialist philosophy brought into this country after World War II.
BUT NOT ONLY the grandson of financier Prescott Bush, Nixon cronies, or the neoconservatives have shown sympathy for National Socialist ideals.
Arnold Schwarzenegger, the Austrian-born former bodybuilder turned actor turned governor of California, has a background of pro-Nazi statements and friends. In a 1977 interview, Schwarzenegger was asked which person he admired. His response: “I admire Hitler, for instance, because he came from being a little man with almost no formal education, up to power. I admire him for being such a good public speaker and for what he did with it.”
His admiration for Hitler may have come from sitting at his father’s knee. In 1938, Hitler’s Nazis took control of Austria in an Anschluss, unifying that country with Germany. Arnold’s father, Gustav, one year later joined Hitler’s infamous Sturmabteilung storm troopers (SA), known as the Brown Shirts. Gustav even sported a Hitler-like mustache.
Schwarzenegger also caught flak because of his friendship with Kurt Waldheim, former secretary general of the United Nations, who lost the presidency of Austria in 1992, after his Nazi past was revealed. Records showed that Waldheim had hidden his role as a member of the Nazi SA. According to the 1991 book Arnold: An Unauthorized Biography by Wendy Leigh, Schwarzenegger toasted Waldheim at his 1986 wedding to Maria Shriver by proclaiming, “My friends don’t want me to mention Kurt’s name, because of all the recent Nazi stuff and the U.N. controversy. But I love him and Maria does too, and so, thank you, Kurt.”
In an effort to rehabilitate this Nazi background, Schwarzenegger has subsequently renounced Hitler and made hefty contributions to the Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles, named for the Jewish Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal.
CHAPTER 12
GUNS, DRUGS, AND EUGENICS
WHILE NAZI SCIENCE WAS BROUGHT TO AMERICA AFTER WORLD War II, so were attendant Nazi restrictions on scientific liberty. “Many of the standards of scientific freedom and exchange of knowledge were suspended by all the belligerents,” noted John Cornwell, author of Hitler’s Scientists. Since 1940, America’s scientists have become faceless members of teams working under the auspices of the military-industrial complex or the corporate world.
Addressing the Nazi-connected men in control of America’s scientific establishment after the war, Cornwell explained: “The most dramatic alteration was in the West. The Office of Scientific Research and Development under the government science chief Vannevar Bush commissioned more than 2,000 research programs in the course of World War II. The projects involved industrial research and development units employing tens of thousands of scientists and technicians in companies such as Du Pont and General Electric, as well as major university laboratories like MIT and Caltech…. [A] proposal for a barrier between government and military funding and civilian control of the choice and direction of basic research would prove, however, a vain hope.” Such tight inner control over scientific advances was reminiscent of the late-war Nazi SS control over technology in the Third Reich.