How Far We Slaves Have Come

by Nelson Mandela

  Another very important matter for capitalism, the economists say, is the savings rate: how much of the money people receive that is put into savings. They deposit it in banks, the banks lend it, and this money is invested. The United States has been characterised historically by a high savings rate, for various reasons. A leader who I was conversing with told me that there are some European countries where people save 30 cents out of every dollar they earn, and in the United States people save five cents out of every dollar. This is a terrible index for a capitalist country like the United States.

  The US debt is $10 trillion – imagine, not 100 billion, or 500 billion, or 1 trillion, but $10 trillion. This includes both the public and private debts – the state owes about $3 trillion, and the rest is owed by businesses and individuals. In other words, that country has a debt twice the size of its Gross National Product; it produces goods and services worth $5 trillion and its debt is $10 trillion. This is a very negative index for that country, and the debt continues to grow.

  People have gotten used to living off profits and interest and speculation, and that country spends much more than it produces. Suffice it to say, for example, that now, with a recession that began in the middle of 1990, it was announced that the US budget deficit for the fiscal year that begins in October will be $350 billion. This is a gigantic sum, even for an economy as large as that of the United States.

  They do exactly what they prohibit other countries from doing. They say that other countries should not have budget deficits, should not have trade deficits, while they have a trade deficit of about $100 billion. Moreover, the US budget deficit is a high percentage of the Gross National Product. The IMF and the World Bank do not allow any Latin American country to do the same, to have a budget deficit equal to 7 or 8 per cent of its GNP. These agencies, the IMF and the World Bank, insist that it must be 2, 1.5, 1, or 0 per cent.

  Ten years ago the United States had investments abroad that were $140 billion greater than the investments that other countries had in the United States. In just ten years this positive balance of $140 billion has become a negative balance of $600 billion. That is, foreign investments from other capitalist countries in the United States are now considerably higher than US investments abroad. All these phenomena are completely new, and this is why I was asking where they are going to get the money to help other countries – assuming they really want to help the USSR.

  Some Soviet economists, in meetings with Harvard economists, have calculated the foreign aid that would be necessary to develop the market economy in the USSR, and they talk about billions of dollars annually. Where is this money?

  These days everyone is asking for money. The Eastern European countries need great quantities of money. The USSR, as some of its economists have stated, needs very large amounts of money; the Middle East needs enormous amounts of money; and Latin America, which owes $430 billion, has paid out $224 billion in the last eight years and needs huge sums of money. No matter how much they talk about neoliberalism and capitalism, where is Latin America going to get the money for its development under these conditions? Instead of receiving money, their participation in world trade becomes less and less, they receive fewer and fewer credits, and they send enormous quantities of money out of the country, much more than they receive.

  According to experts, the demand for money in the world is over $200 billion greater than the supply. There is not enough money to satisfy all the demands: Latin America, the Middle East, the Eastern European countries, the Soviet Union. But the worst thing of all is that the United States needs more money than anyone. Because the question is: Where are they going to get the money to cover the budget deficit of $350 billion they will have next year? Where are they going to get the money to cover the $100 billion trade deficit? The United States has become an octopus, sucking up huge quantities of money, and they themselves need more money than anyone else.

  So if Latin America is going to integrate into the US economy, it is going to integrate into the economy of a financially ruined country, and it is going to get the worst end of the deal, because what Latin America exports to the United States is principally fuel and raw materials. Sixty per cent of what it exports is fuel and raw materials, and less than 30 per cent is manufactured products. This is ideal for imperialism: to buy fuel and raw materials cheaply and sell manufactured products at very high prices; and Latin America needs to enter into world trade with manufactured products. These are the kinds of problems and challenges that face the Latin American countries; they are very serious.

  You must forgive me if I have gone on about this, because I wanted to give you some idea of the realities in this world.

  The famous Uruguay Round – which you must have heard mentioned many times – is not advancing.23 It consists of a series of negotiations and formulas that have been elaborated to try to promote world trade. And every day there is more protectionism in Europe, more protectionism in Japan and the United States. These protectionist measures are exercised only partially through tariffs. There are many other forms of protectionism: sometimes by establishing impossible requirements for obtaining approval for a product that a Third World country wants to export, sometimes through setting quotas that cannot be exceeded. And apart from all these calamities, the economy of Latin America is threatened by the three great economic blocs and their tendencies to create closed preserves in the economic field. So the peoples of our hemisphere have a very harsh future ahead of them, and that is why it seemed to us an important and historic first step that we gathered together on our own initiative.

  We should not create illusions; we should not raise false hopes. This is a very long and difficult process. But the world does not face a very flourishing situation economically. The United States is suffering from the problems I mentioned, and more of them; imperialism should not sing victory songs. Militarily the United States is more powerful than ever, and politically it has enormous influence; but economically it is weaker than ever and has very serious problems.

  The world will now see how this phenomenon of competition between the great economic blocs evolves, this gigantic demand for capital in the face of limited supply, and it will see how Latin America emerges from its tragedy.

  These are the realities that we must be able to analyse calmly, coolly, and objectively, absolutely convinced of the justness of our cause, our ideas, and our plans for confronting problems as serious as those we have before us.

  Something curious and unusual has happened today, which is proof that we are not dogmatic: among the thirteen certificates we awarded today, one went to the Sol Palmeras Hotel, [Applause] which we own in partnership with a Spanish firm. We do not have enough capital to develop tourism at the rate we would like, although we are investing quite a bit. Since we have hundreds of kilometres of beaches and extraordinary spots, we can accept this kind of joint venture. We rejoice at its success.

  We have told the Latin Americans that we are even willing to give them certain preferential treatment for the sake of integration, for whatever investments they would like to make in Cuba. This would also imply that we have the right to invest in a Latin American country. For example, if we have a specific technology and there are obstacles and barriers, one of the ways of opening markets can be through foreign investments.

  With respect to integration with Latin America, we have to adapt our mechanisms to these investment possibilities without renouncing our socialism, because we can easily conceive of economic integration with Latin America without renouncing socialism, even if there are capitalist countries, some going more in that direction and others less. Although there are some that are privatising even their streets, others are preserving basic industries as public property. Oil, for example, is maintained as an exclusive public resource as well as other specific branches or investments in specific areas. As we told a journalist, no state has to renounce its public property in order to have Latin American integ
ration.

  We are ready to seek mutually beneficial and reasonable arrangements with the other Latin American nations, but there is a very important point to remember. We know what we are doing, where our strengths and weaknesses lie, and in what areas we are highly advanced. It would not make sense for us to build a sugar mill, which we can do perfectly well, as a joint venture, or for our sugar enterprises to become joint ventures with foreign interests. What we know how to do and have funds for, we must do ourselves. We can accept foreign capital where we lack the technology, capital, or markets, with greater or lesser amounts of foreign investment. And of course we would give preference to the Latin Americans in this as a necessary phase, or as necessary steps toward economic integration.

  We believe that we are the most prepared of anyone for economic integration, and we explained why in the following way: We love our flag a great deal, but if one day it becomes necessary to renounce it in order to form a common nation we will do so. And if one day the world acquires an extraordinary and ideal level of consciousness so that it is able to constitute itself as one great family, we would also be willing to renounce our flag. But we would never do so for the sake of a unipolar world under US imperialist hegemony – this we will never do! We will never renounce a single one of our prerogatives! [Applause]

  We are internationalists, we are not narrow nationalists or chauvinists. We have shed our blood in other parts of the world, such as in Latin America and Africa. As Mandela recalled, for each person who went on internationalist missions, there were ten who volunteered to go. Is there a more noble people, a people more willing to express their solidarity, a more revolutionary people? The blood of the Angolans was our blood, the blood of the Namibians is our blood, and the blood of the South Africans is our blood! Humanity’s blood is our blood! [Applause]

  Our ideas go beyond chauvinism or narrow nationalism. Our ideas extend beyond all borders. We live in the world that was given to us and we are fighting for a better world. Our minds, our intelligence, and our hearts are prepared for a much better world, for a superior world, for a world such as that desired by Marx and Engels, where men act as brothers to each other rather than preying on each other like wolves.

  Capitalism is the greatest creator of wolves in human history, and imperialism has not only been the greatest creator of wolves but also the greatest wolf that has ever existed.

  We who come from way back, who were conquered, who were exploited, and who were enslaved throughout history, what marvellous ideas we can defend today; what just ideas we can uphold! And we can think in Latin American and even world terms.

  How far we slaves have come! [Applause]

  But now internationalism means defending and preserving the Cuban revolution; that is our greatest internationalist duty. [Applause] Because when there is a flag like ours, which represents ideas as just as ours, then to defend this trench, this bastion of socialism, is the greatest service we can offer to humanity.

  Times are difficult but we will be able to grow and multiply. The 100,000 students who are now participating in agricultural work and other tasks are a proof of our people’s spirit, of who our people are and who our youth are. [Applause]

  Each and every one of us must multiply our efforts. Each worker in his job, each cadre, each party and state official must give all they can of themselves, they must extend themselves, they must be more demanding of themselves and others than ever before. Everyone must rise to this historic moment, and it is well worth doing so! The cause that we defend deserves it so much! Our nation deserves it so much! The ideas that we defend deserve it so much!

  Socialism or death!

  Patria o muerte! [Homeland or death]

  Venceremos! [We will win]

  [Ovation]

  RESOLUTION OF THE CUBAN COUNCIL OF STATE

  Resolution of the Cuban Council of State

  An eloquent testimony of the solidarity between our two peoples

  Whereas: Nelson Mandela is the highest symbol of the long and heroic struggle of the Black people of South Africa against apartheid and the central leader of the African National Congress, the principal organisation that represents the strivings for racial equality and social justice. The ANC is the oldest revolutionary organisation on the African continent, and includes in its combative ranks progressive citizens of all races and creeds in the Republic of South Africa. It is leading the battle to create a nonracial, united, and democratic South Africa.

  Whereas: Our people are honoured by the visit to Cuba of one who has dedicated his entire life to the cause of freedom. In 1964, after having been arrested two years previously, Mandela was accused of sabotage and conspiracy to overthrow the government by violent means. Assuming his own defence and that of his comrades in what has become known as the Rivonia trial, the accused became the accuser and denounced with singular courage – even under the threat of death – the crimes of the apartheid regime.

  Whereas: On a number of occasions during the twenty-seven years of his captivity the outstanding leader of the ANC was offered his freedom in exchange for concessions; nevertheless, he preferred to remain in prison rather than give in. This stance inspired universal admiration by the peoples of the world, and led to the most powerful clamour in history for the freedom of a prisoner.

  Whereas: The combination of the revolutionary intransigence of Mandela, the growing struggle of his people, world solidarity, and the military defeat of the South African troops in southern Angola – above all in the battle of Cuito Cuanavale – finally caused the bars of his prolonged captivity to be flung open and initiated the irreversible process of dismantling apartheid.

  Whereas: Mandela today, at the head of the ANC, is leading this process toward final victory with wise political guidance and firmness of principle. There are still many obstacles along the road to victory, and the people are paying their daily quota of blood; victims of those who finance and organise the wave of violence against the Black population.

  Whereas: In this decisive hour when the Cuban people have resolved to defend at all costs the revolution, socialism, and the homeland, we take as an example of determination, of struggle, and of faith in victory the heroic stance and tremendous courage of Nelson Mandela, a steadfast combatant and a representative of Africa’s best and highest values.

  Whereas: His presence at this crucial hour not only honours our country but constitutes eloquent testimony of the solidarity between our two peoples, sealed forever with the blood spilled in southern Africa in the common struggle for freedom.

  Whereas: José Marti, the National Hero of Cuba, was imprisoned by the colonial power when he was barely sixteen years of age and remained steadfast. The shackles that chained him left their painful mark on him for the rest of his life.

  Whereas: In the foundations of the independent and sovereign republic that he conceived, Marti imparted a humanistic view that excluded all manifestations of racism. He also paid tribute to the men who were brought from Africa and enslaved in Cuba and exalted the national unity that was forged in the crucible of the wars for independence.

  Be it resolved: That the Council of State of the Republic of Cuba, in exercise of the powers conferred upon it, has approved the following RESOLUTION 1695:

  First: To grant the José Marti award to the president of the African National Congress NELSON MANDELA on the occasion of his official visit to our country, in recognition of his unyielding stance in the struggle against apartheid and all forms of subjugation and in favour of a united, democratic, and nonracial South Africa.

  Second: That the medal be officially awarded him by the president of the Council of State, Commander in Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, at the main rally to commemorate the thirty-eighth anniversary of the Moncada assault.

  Approved in the Palace of the Revolution, Havana, 25 July 1991.

  Fidel Castro Ruz

  President of the Council of State

/>   Notes

  1On 26 July 1953, Fidel Castro led an attack on the Moncada army garrison in Santiago de Cuba, which marked the beginning of the revolutionary struggle against the US-backed tyranny of Fulgencio Batista. After the attack’s failure, Batista’s forces massacred more than fifty of the captured revolutionaries. Castro and others were taken prisoner, tried, and sentenced to prison. They were released in May 1955 after a public defence campaign forced Batista’s regime to issue an amnesty.

  On 2 December 1956, eighty-two revolutionary combatants led by Castro landed in southeastern Cuba on the boat Granma, following a seven-day journey from Mexico. Despite initial setbacks, the guerrilla fighters were able to establish a base for the Rebel Army in the Sierra Maestra mountains, from which they led the workers and peasants in the revolutionary war against the dictatorship.

  On 1 January 1959, in the face of the Rebel Army’s advances, Batista fled the country and the revolution triumphed amid a general strike and massive popular mobilisations.

  2Mandela was in Cuba as part of a tour of Latin America and the Caribbean. He also visited Jamaica, Mexico, Venezuela, and Brazil.

  3Earlier at the 26 July rally, Mandela had been awarded the José Marti medal. A noted poet and writer, José Marti founded the Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892, launched the country’s final independence war in 1895, and was killed in battle. The medal that bears Marti’s name is the highest honour awarded by Cuba’s Council of State.

  4Ernesto Che Guevara, born in Argentina, was a central leader of the Cuban revolution. A guerrilla commander in the revolutionary war, he held leading responsibilities in the new revolutionary government, including as head of the National Bank and minister of industry. In 1965 Guevara resigned from his government posts and left Cuba to participate directly in revolutionary struggles in other countries. He spent a number of months in the Congo, where he aided supporters of murdered Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba in their battle against the reactionary regime and mercenaries organised and armed by Belgian and US imperialism. Later Guevara went to Bolivia to lead a guerrilla movement against the military dictatorship there. He was captured and killed by the Bolivian army in a CIA-directed operation in 1967.