Lost Voices of the Nile: Everyday Life in Ancient Egypt

by Charlotte Booth

  Adultery, on the other hand, was not a criminal offense, but the officials became involved in order to keep public order and to restrict the vendetta of the wronged husband. The adulterous man could expect to be killed by an enraged husband and this type of revenge was considered acceptable. The husband was expected to be able to pursue his revenge but within the limits of public order. If he pursued his case through the courts he would not get any financial compensation but would receive advice on the best course of action.

  One case from Deir el-Medina concerns the workman Merysekhmet, who was discovered having sex with a servant’s wife. The servant complains, ‘As for me I am a servant of Ameneminet, a man of the necropolis. I carried bundle to the house of Pa-ym and I made his daughter my wife.’85 Due to his status when he complained about Merysekhmet he received a beating of 100 blows. A scribe stood up for this servant by stating, ‘What is the giving of 100 blows? One carries a bundle while another has illegitimate sex.’ Merysekhmet was simply asked to swear an oath that he would not commit the offence again and the case was considered closed.

  Vigilante justice was not uncommon in ancient Egypt, and rather than going through the legal channels individuals or groups would often seek out a criminal themselves and administer a beating to them. One Papyrus (BM 10416) describes such a situation surrounding an affair had been going on for eight months. A group of eight people who were supporters of the cuckolded husband were hunting for the woman in the affair in order to beat her up, and the man in the affair had already been beaten up by his betrayed wife’s supporters. Another fragmentary letter (P. BM 10418 +10287) adds that ‘if we will not find her to beat her we will find Rta her little sister and we will find […] ist also’. This seems a little extreme for a consensual affair and even the scribe who discusses the mob claimed, ‘Really, even I held them back this time, I will not hold them back another time.’86

  Obviously, as in the modern world, not all legal dealings involved criminal activity and people would visit the knbt, vizier or notable in order to countersign a document or witness a contract. For example, a doorkeeper Khaemwaset was selling his ox and signed a document to say he was happy with the price of 50 deben. He had a witness signature from the workman Neferhotep who was watchman on duty that day. Khaemwaset states, ‘I will not contest it [the price] in the future.’87

  Evidence like this demonstrates that the ancient Egyptians were not much different from their modern counterparts. Khaemwaset was essentially providing a receipt for his ox, which protected himself and the buyer from problems in the future. Documents like the Tomb Robbery Papyrus and the papyri recording the Harem Conspiracy are simply records of important cases, perhaps to keep track of the proceedings and punishments, perhaps for future reference should similar cases happen again. This type of record keeping is not very different to the modern records of legal cases. The only real difference is the inconsistency in laws and punishments, and perhaps these records were part of an attempt to standardise such proceedings.

  8.

  DISEASE AND MEDICINE

  ‘Something has entered his mouth. Death is approaching.’1

  Accidents, injuries and diseases were as much a part of the lives of ancient Egyptians as they are of ours today. Some of these proved to be fatal. Egyptian doctors were well known throughout the ancient world for their effectiveness and knowledge, and many of their remedies form the basis of modern medicine. Herodotus records that the King of Persia requested a king of the twenty-sixth dynasty send him the most skilful of Egyptian ophthalmologists. The doctor who was sent to Persia however was rather bitter towards the Egyptian king: ‘His pretext was as follows. Cyrus had sent to Amasis to ask for the services of the best oculist in Egypt, and the one who was selected, in resentment at being torn from his wife and family and handed over to the Persians.’2 For revenge this doctor was said to have incited the Persian king to attack Egypt in 525 BCE.3 This could therefore be propaganda to explain the Persian invasion. Other evidence, however, backs up the use of Egyptian doctors abroad. A New Kingdom doctor, Nebamun, is depicted receiving gifts for medical services administered to a Syrian prince, and Ramses II sent Pariamakhu to the Hittite court to prescribe medication for the king.4

  Even with world-famous doctors the average life expectancy was low, with women dying at approximately thirty years old and men at approximately thirty-five years old. A study was done in the early nineteenth century on 709 dynastic skulls, which showed the average age at death was thirty-six years old.5 Another study carried out on the Turin skeletons from Gebelein and Asyut show that at the age of thirty the population was halved and by the age of forty-three the population was reduced to a quarter.6

  Child mortality was also extremely high, and many children died in the first year of life. Many died at the age of three during the transition from breastfeeding to solid food, but if a child survived this there was a good chance they would survive until adulthood, and possibly into their seventies. However, reaching such a ripe old age was a dangerous journey, with risks from disease, infection and even the doctor’s remedies.

  However, not everyone died young; for example, Ramses II (1279–1212 BCE) lived until ninety years old and Pepy II (2278–2184 BCE) ruled for ninety-four years and is the longest reigning king in history.7 Even among the ordinary people some survived into old age. One woman, Iyneferti from Deir el-Medina, was over seventy-five at death8 and the Chantress of Amun Asru (see below) was in her sixties when she died. Reaching old age was considered something to be proud of and Amenhotep son of Hapu, architect and scribe under Amenhotep III, boasts on one of his statues, ‘I reached eighty years, great in favour with the king. I will reach 110 years.’9

  While in reality the age of death was extremely low, the idealised age was 110 years old and this was often cited in literary tales to show the wisdom of old age. The Westcar Papyrus (or the ‘Tales of Wonder’) describes the magician Djedi: ‘He is a man of 110 years, who eats 500 loaves of bread, half an ox for meat, and drinks 100 jugs of beer to this very day.’10

  Living to old age was also used as a polite greeting: ‘May you complete 110 years upon earth, your limbs being vigorous.’11 Considering the ailments which afflict the elderly it is not surprising that the introduction to the ‘Tale of Woe’, on Papyrus Pushkin 127 states, ‘May he (Atum) cause you to reach 110 years upon earth, your body whole, growing old with a contented heart, without illness in your limbs, but with continuous gladness and joy in your heart and without the weakness of old age, you having indeed arrested it.’12

  Unfortunately, as people did not live as long as modern communities, it is difficult to monitor the typical ailments which only afflict the elderly, as one of the main resources for learning about Egyptian disease are mummies. However, evidence for many diseases is also found in the written records.

  There are numerous medical papyri listing ailments and the recommended treatments. Some of the papyri focus on a particular branch of medication like the Kahun Gynaecological Papyrus; the Old Kingdom Edwin Smith Papyrus, which is primarily concerned with surgery arranged in order from the head downwards; or the Chester Beatty VI Papyrus, dealing solely with diseases of the anus, rectum and bladder. Other papyri are more general, such as the Ebers Papyrus (1542 BCE), which discusses diseases of the eye, skin, extremities, gynaecology and surgical diseases, and the Hearst Medical Papyrus, which covers everything from a ‘tooth fallen out’ to bites from humans, pigs and hippopotami.

  The medical papyri describe not only the illnesses but also the cures. These remedies were a combination of practical medicine and magic, with incantations considered essential for success. The Egyptians saw no difference between the two practices and combined practical medicine with unguents, oils, dancing, music, incantations and laying hands on the patient. The remedies cited focused on the relief of symptoms rather than dealing with the cause of the illness.13 It is thought these papyri filled the role of medical text books for students and physicians alike.14 This would th
erefore suggest that the doctors were literate, and there is evidence proving some of them were; Heryshefnakht, for example, was a snnw (lay physician) and a priest of Sekhmet and it is recorded that his job entailed ‘reading the papyrus rolls daily’.15

  If an ailment was obvious, like an open wound or broken bone, then a purely medicinal remedy was favoured by the doctors, perhaps accompanied by an incantation or prayer. If the ailment was internal and the cause unknown it was considered to be of supernatural origin and therefore it was essential to turn to supernatural means for a cure.

  The medical profession had a strict hierarchy of positions, with snnw or lay physician being the lowest rank, and the high level sau or magic physicians, who were generally priests of Sekhmet. The latter were medically qualified but were seen to cure only those people they felt were being punished by the goddess. However, in general most doctors were priests and their favoured deity determined their speciality:

  Sekhmet, the goddess of plagues and epidemics.

  Duau, the god of eye diseases.

  Taweret and Hathor, goddesses of childbirth.

  Horus, the god of deadly stings and bites from crocodiles, snakes and scorpions.

  Selqet, the goddess associated with bites and stings from venomous reptiles and insects.

  As the gods specialised in different things, so to did the doctors, and Herodotus (fifth century BCE) records, ‘The practice of medicine they split up into separate parts, each doctor being responsible for the treatment of only one disease.’16

  A papyrus on snake bites in the Brooklyn Museum17 describes the role of the priests of Serqet: ‘Beginning the collection of remedies to drive out the poison of all snakes, all scorpions, all tarantulas, and all serpents, which is in the hand of the priests of Serqet, and to drive away all snakes and seal their mouths.’18

  There were various doctors on location, as it were, including Middle Kingdom doctor Renef-Seneb, who worked in a quarry in Serabit el-Khadim, and Heryshefnakht, who we met earlier, also from the Middle Kingdom, who was based in the alabaster quarries near Tell el-Amarna.19 Furthermore there were ‘estate’ doctors who were responsible for the healthcare of the peasant farmers who worked on the large family estates.20 Within the communities there were village-based physicians and women who acted as midwives, although there was no Egyptian word for midwife, gynaecologist or obstetrician. The only written evidence we have of midwives comes from the literary tale on Papyrus Westcar where Rededjet is aided in her birth by four goddesses. In reality expectant mothers were aided in birth by women who probably learned their craft from their mothers but were no less valid than a temple-trained physician.

  Evidence from Deir el-Medina also suggests many villagers self-diagnosed, perhaps using word of mouth, tradition and medical papyri as reference, and sent away for the ingredients required for a cure. The absentee record shows that Paherypedjet took a number of days off work ‘to be with’ Khonsu or Horemwia, or for the ‘preparation of medicine’, and it is assumed he was the village doctor or a pharmacist at this time.21 Not all of his patients survived, and in year 2 (Sety II), month 3 of harvest, days 25–30, he was absent from the tomb to care for Senet-Nofret, who died shortly after.22 She was clearly an important woman in the village as the whole crew were absent from work in order to attend her funeral.

  The stela of the foreman Baki makes reference to Amenmose, who held the title kherep serquet, and it is assumed he was the more official village doctor. During the reign of Ramses IX (1126–1108 BCE), there was a physician at the temple of Amun was called Pahatyu, and in the twentieth dynasty Innay was the overseer of physicians at the temple of Ptah at Memphis,23 indicating the temples had their own team of doctors to deal with the daily ailments of the priests and auxiliary workers. No doubt all doctors were paid well for their services and in the absence of a monetary system the physicians, whether village based or temple based, were paid in kind.

  As most remedies in the medical papyri began, ‘You shall then prepare for him,’ it seems likely that medicines were made as they were needed rather than ‘off the shelf’ and perhaps Paherypedjet was making medicines according to need in the village.

  Peseshet was the only female physician known from Egyptian history and the first recorded female doctor. She lived during the fourth dynasty and was the lady overseer of the lady physicians, specifying physicians rather than midwives. No other female physicians are known until the Ptolemaic Period. Although no other female doctors are recorded, the fact that she was overseer of the lady physicians indicates there were other female doctors for her to oversee.

  Mummification enabled Egyptian embalmers and doctors to learn about the internal organs and the workings of the human body. In fact, by the twenty-seventh dynasty, the word snnw (physician) also meant embalmer, showing there was perhaps some crossover with the two roles.24 It was estimated by Rowling in 1989 that over 30,000 mummies have been examined and not one bears the scars of surgical intervention. Evidence therefore suggests that they did not perform surgery on live bodies, other than circumcision (see chapter five) and the removal of tumours such as subcutaneous lipomas, ‘which comes and goes under the fingers’ and were prescribed ‘the knife treatment’ followed by treatment of the wounds. Of course, any knife treatments were carried out without anaesthetic.

  The Edwin Smith Papyrus describes quite clearly the ancient Egyptian knowledge of the pulse;

  It is there that every physician and any priest of Sekhmet places his two hands or his fingers on the head, on the back of the head, on the hands, on the place of the heart on the two arms or on each of the two legs he measures the heart because of its vessels to all his limbs. It speaks from the vessels of all the limbs.25

  They also knew that the blood supply ran from the heart to all organs in the body: ‘It speaks forth in the vessels of every body part.’ It was originally thought that the pulse was discovered by the Greeks some 2000 years later. Moreover, the evidence suggests Egyptian doctors were not far from the discovery of circulation.26

  The Edwin Smith Papyrus describes knowledge of the brain and the connection with paralysis, but they were unaware of the brain’s importance in regard to thought processes and emotions. They believed all emotions, feelings and thoughts took place in the heart, and therefore when the body was mummified the heart remained in position, whereas the brain was disposed of.

  The medical equipment used was rather primitive and a full set of surgical equipment belonging to Qar, the senior physician of the royal palace, was discovered in his tomb (sixth dynasty). These match the list of medical instruments depicted on the wall of Kom Ombo temple, which dates much later, to the second half of the second century CE, and those recorded on the Edwin Smith Medical Papyrus.

  A Rush (used with a knife for cutting treatments)

  A fire drill (to burn growths)

  Knife/chisel

  Cupping glass

  Thorn (to burst blisters)

  Heated broken glass (for eye treatments)

  Swabs, tampons, linen material

  Knives, salve spoons, and mortars

  The medical procedure itself was very well defined in the Ebers Papyrus and was similar to modern practice. The patient described his symptoms before the doctor conducted a physical examination, which included a study of urine, stools, sputum and blood, and checking the pulse: ‘You should put your finger on it, you should examine the belly.’27 Once the full examination was complete the doctor made a diagnosis, which was one of three decisions: ‘An ailment which I will treat’, ‘An ailment which I will contend’, or ‘An ailment not to be treated’. Only fourteen out of forty-eight cases on the Ebers Papyrus were considered hopeless. Some of the treatments were open to interpretation and could indicate a certain element of experimentation.

  One cure was for the patient to stay ‘close to his landing post’, presumably meaning get plenty of bed rest. The scribe interprets this as ‘the patient should be put onto his regular diet and should receive no medicine�
�.28 Is this an ailment the doctor did not treat, or was bed rest and no medication considered a form of treatment?

  The prescriptions were described complete with a dosage, which was normally measured as henu, which was one-tenth of a heqat and worth about 450 ml.29 However, the measurements were written as 1/8 or 1/16 and could be interpreted as being in relation to the henu or as a fraction of the available mixture. This dosage was then applied according to age. ‘If it is a big child, he should swallow it like a draught, if he is still in swaddles, it should be rubbed by his nurse in milk and thereafter sucked on four days.’30 The time of day the treatment was most effective would be specified: ‘And the eye is painted therewith in the evening its other half is dried, finely ground, and the eye is painted therewith in the morning.’31 The duration of the prescription was particularly important; the Ebers Papyrus specifies the number of days, whereas the Edwin Smith describes the patient’s condition: ‘until he recovers’, ‘until the period of his injury passes by’, or ‘until you know that he has reached a decision point’.

  Many of the medicines prescribed were logically applied, with medicines taken orally for internal diseases, external applications for pain, ointments for skin diseases, inhalations for respiratory diseases, gargles for mouth disorders, baths and douches for gynaecological problems and enemas for intestinal infections.32 For example, a remedy for burns on the Ebers Papyrus comprised ‘barley bread, oil/fat and salt, mixed into one. Bandage with it often to make him well immediately’.33 Burns were particularly common as open fires were used not only in the home but also in numerous manufacturing industries. The Ebers Papyrus (482) includes a remedy for burns, which has a detailed day-by-day schedule of application: