Year Zero: Berlin 1945

by David McCormack

  Spurred on by the news that Stalin had directed Konev's tank armies north towards Berlin, Zhukov renewed his attack the following day. By nightfall, the second German defensive line had been overrun, but resistance on the Seelow Heights continued. The following morning, Zhukov attacked again following another series of artillery barrages. At 07.00hrs, 5th Shock Army launched an assault towards Reichenberg and Munchehof. Heavy defensive fire soon brought the advance to a shattering halt. Chuikov's 8th Guards Army attacked at the same time in the direction of Muncheberg. Ignoring the danger of his exposed left flank, he urged his troops on towards the eastern approaches to Berlin. His determination paid off, and by the evening his troops had advanced to the Treibutz-Jahnsfelde line. Muncheberg was taken the following day after a brief check by a German flak unit near the Jahnsfelde crossroads. To the south, Konev's tank forces were heading towards Zossen.

  Despite the unfolding crisis, the authorities in Berlin seemed unable or unwilling to accept that the decisive moment had come. During his weekly 'War Council' meeting, Goebbels, in his role as the defender of Berlin, gave fanciful assurances to Hitler's appointed military commander of the Berlin defence area (Lieutenant-General Hellmuth Reymann) that the city could hold out, stating that :

  If the battle for Berlin was on right now you would have at your disposal all sorts of tanks and field pieces of different calibres, several thousand light and heavy machine guns, and several hundred mortars, in addition to large quantities of corresponding ammunition.

  Shrouding himself from reality, Goebbels took to the airwaves on the evening of 19 April to congratulate Hitler on his forthcoming birthday and to praise his genius. In an impassioned, over-long and somewhat discursive address to the shrinking Reich, Goebbels attempted to rally the people with these words :

  … Once more, the armies of the enemy powers storm our defences; in their wake, foaming at the mouth, international Jewry, which does not want peace because their diabolical aim is to see the world destroyed. But in vain. God will throw back Lucifer, as he has done before when the dark angel stood before the gates of power, back into the abyss from whence he came... Germany is still the land of loyalty; in the hour of danger she will celebrate her greatest triumph. Never shall history say that the people have abandoned their Fuhrer, or that the Fuhrer has abandoned his people. And this means victory.

  That same night, Marshal Konstantin Rokossovsky reported to Stalin that his 2nd Belorussian Front was now ready to go on the offensive. The following day General Hasso von Manteuffel's 3rd Panzer Army bore the brunt of Rokossovsky's assault. The spirited defence mounted by Manteuffel's troops over the next few days prevented a direct northern thrust against Berlin. However, their involvement in blunting Rokossovsky's drive also precluded them from taking a more direct role in the defence of Berlin.

  On the morning of 20 April, the 125th Rifle Corps of Lieutenant-General Frants I. Perkhorovich's 47th Army stormed and captured Bernau. Meanwhile, General Semyon Bogdanov's 2nd Guards Tank Army had forged ahead of the infantry, cutting a swathe to the outskirts of Berlin at Ladenburg and Zepernick. At 11.00hrs, Major A.I. Zyukin ordered his artillery battery to fire on Berlin. Zhukov was then able to report to Stalin that elements of his forces were already engaged in the battle for the city.

  That morning, Hermann Goering, the corpulent second man in the sinking ship of state awoke early at his estate near Eberswalde. His country house, named Carinhall in honour of his first wife who had died in 1931 was wired-up with explosives. As Rokossovsky's guns boomed in the distance, a convey of Luftwaffe trucks prepared to head south, all were laden with Goering's most treasured possessions. After speaking a few words to the commander of the departing truck column, Goering pressed down on the plunger which set off a tremendous explosion reducing his beloved Carinhall to ruins. Without looking back, he stepped into his waiting car which would take him to the Reich Chancellery in Berlin for Hitler's birthday celebrations.

  Meanwhile, the man whom Hitler referred to as 'My loyal Heinrich' was making plans of his own. His special-plenipotentiary, Brigadier-General Walter Schellenberg, along with his masseur and confidant Felix Kersten had arranged meetings that day with Count Folke Bernadotte, the vice-president of the Swedish Red Cross, and Norbert Masur, who at short notice had replaced Gilel Storch as the visiting representative of the World Jewish Congress. Both Bernadotte and Masur had assumed that Himmler had wanted to discuss the possible release of concentration camp prisoners. This was certainly part of Himmler's thinking at the time, though his main concern was in opening up channels of communication with General Eisenhower.

  When Count Bernadotte arrived in Berlin, Schellenberg informed him that Himmler was unable to see him immediately. Following an air-raid alert, he set off for the comparative safety of the Swedish Legation air raid shelter, on the way noting that 'Berlin had become a silent city'. After spending several hours in the shelter, Bernadotte was driven to Hohenlychen Sanatorium where medical superintendent Dr Karl Gebhardt was waiting to welcome him. Several more hours passed, largely as a consequence of Himmler's vacillation. Evidently, he could still not fully commit to what amounted to treason against his beloved Fuhrer.

  Meanwhile, Masur had also arrived in Berlin, accompanied on the flight from Stockholm by Kersten. Masur and Kersten were the only passengers and during the flight the representative of the World Jewish Congress reflected on his mission :

  For me as a Jew, it was a deeply moving thought, that, in a few hours, I would be face to face with the man who was primarily responsible for the destruction of several million Jewish people. But my agitation was dampened by the thought that I finally would have the important opportunity to be of help to many of my tormented fellow Jews. I had been in the midst of other missions before, but always from the safety of Stockholm. This time it was action at the front lines.

  Masur was indeed stepping into the lion's den. However, his composure was only to be admired. Thankfully, the journey to Berlin was without incident. Later, Masur documented his experiences in detail. As such, we have an accurate record of the run-up to the meeting, and later, the meeting itself. Masur's recollections of his arrival in Berlin effectively chronicle the slow death of a once great city, and as such they are worth quoting in extensio :

  The North-German plain passed peacefully in front of our eyes. The fields seemed to be tended carefully. Only once did I discern a bomb crater, the first sign of war, otherwise there were no traces. No soldiers or motorised columns were visible, only an occasional farmer. However, when we approached Berlin, the signs of war became more evident, bombed out houses, factories without roofs...

  At the Templehof airport, my companion showed his passport, however I kept mine in my pocket. I did not have a visa, because only Himmler and his closest associates knew about our visit, it was held in complete secrecy from all the other Nazi bosses. Because of this, I could not apply for a visa at the German embassy in Stockholm. The Gestapo simply ordered that a man in the company of Dr Kersten should be admitted without passport control.

  At the airport, the limousine of the Swedish embassy was waiting to take us into the city. However, we could not use this car, and had to wait for a Gestapo car, as we were to proceed to an estate approximately 70 km north of Berlin. Unfortunately, we had to wait almost 2 hours. In the meantime, I had the opportunity to get a first impression of the atmosphere in Berlin. I had a conversation with some of the workers at the airport, and was able to discern that they were war-weary and without hope. Every night, air-raids lasting 5 to 7 hours, therefore they had to spend a long time in uncomfortable air-raid shelters without sleep, that is too much for even the strongest person. The air-raids occur with the punctuality of a time table. Every evening, shortly after dark, the Russians begin the attacks, followed by the Americans, and the British would finish the raids.

  Because of this it was important for us to get out of town before the beginning of the air-raids. Around 10 pm, the car arrived, and the excuse was that the t
elephone connection with Stockholm was interrupted, and they did not know for sure if we were coming. The car left immediately, it was dark, and the moon was shining. The ruins of the houses were like ghosts. The driver sped through the city, which looked as if it were dead... We passed rows of destroyed houses, and drove through the narrow openings of tank-traps. Several times we had to take a detour to avoid streets that had recently been closed because of the bombings.

  Finally, after an hour, we were out of Berlin and on the highway. It only took a few minutes before a military patrol stopped us and asked the driver to turn off the headlights, as there was an air alert. The nightly show over Berlin had started... The anti-aircraft searchlights began to play in the sky, and we stopped and got out of the car to watch the sinister, but fascinating show. From all sides we heard the whirring of propellers, which our driver, with his trained ears, identified as Russian. We saw how illumination flares spread out like a carpet, slowly descending to the ground, lighting up the entire area, how planes would be trapped in the spotlights, but we did not hear any flak. At my question as to why there was no shooting, I got the significant answer that all the flak ammunition had been sent to the front.

  We continued, past suddenly appearing military vehicles, past mounds of destruction in the town of Oranienburg, which had suffered an air raid recently. For me, the name Oranienburg was ominous, as here many of my closest relatives became acquainted with the terror of the concentration camps, before I was able to rescue them to emigrate into Sweden.

  Finally, close to midnight, we arrived at our destination, an estate belonging to Dr Kersten. Here we were supposed to await the visit by Himmler. That night I was not able to sleep. Not because of the constant noise from the planes, but the tension at the thought of my meeting with Himmler... Even though I knew that Himmler's reason for negotiating was the catastrophic war situation in Germany, I believed that many important results might come out of these negotiations.

  Masur's tension was further exacerbated the following morning when Schellenberg informed him that Himmler would be delayed as he was attending Hitler's birthday celebrations at the Reich Chancellery. Masur later recorded his thoughts, stating with incongruity that, 'Hitler should only have known that Himmler, after the birthday party, would be negotiating with a Jew!'. Whilst he waited for Himmler, Masur had a long conversation with Schellenberg, whom he found to be sincere. Later, he spoke with workers on the estate, and after gaining their trust, was able to learn more about the mood of the German people.

  In Berlin, a few posters and banners had gone up by way of celebrating the Fuhrer's birthday. In Moabit, a large banner was strung across a street near to the prison. The citizens of Berlin were well noted for their sense of humour, as such the message on the banner, which read, 'We all pull on the same rope. Up the Fuhrer' was interpreted with a wry smile by many. As was the norm on Hitler's birthday, the weather was fine. There would however be no parades, no visible confirmation of a German culture triumphant. This last gathering of the Nazi elite was more of a wake than a celebration.

  On the morning of his birthday, Hitler arose at 11.00hrs. Following brief birthday felicitations from the bunker entourage, he asked about the current military situation. The latest news from the crumbling battle fronts was hardly encouraging. It was clear that American and Soviet spearheads would soon link-up, cutting Germany in two. Hitler was urged to leave Berlin for the comparative safety of the Bavarian mountains. He rejected any suggestion that he should abandon Berlin by saying, 'How am I to call on the troops to undertake the battle for Berlin, if at the same moment I withdraw myself to safety!'. The matter was thus irrevocably closed. Indeed, Hitler stated with some conviction that the Red Army would be destroyed at the very gates of Berlin.

  Shortly before the scheduled military conference, Hitler emerged from the depths of the bunker into the chancellery gardens to meet a group of Hitler Youth members who were to be awarded decorations for knocking out Soviet tanks. The trembling in Hitler's left arm meant that he was unable to present the awards personally. After giving a brief speech, he returned to the bunker for the military conference. By this time Goering had arrived, his huge bulk necessitating that he was given a seat opposite Hitler. As the conference dragged on, Goering had increasing difficulty in camouflaging his restlessness. The minutes slowly ticked by, Goering's anxiety no doubt increasing as he wondered if the road to the south was still open. Eventually, the conference ended, the only concrete decision made being the confirmation by Hitler that the German command structure would be split into a northern command headed by Grand Admiral Karl Doenitz, and a southern command headed by Field-Marshal Albert Kesselring. Goering left immediately after the conference was adjourned, claiming 'urgent tasks in South Germany'. Hitler looked right through him as if he no longer existed. Albert Speer, the talented and ambitious Minister of Armaments was also present at the conference where he noted, 'a sense of being present at a historic moment'. Later that day, he left Berlin along with the leader of the Labour Front Dr Robert Ley, and the arrogant Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.

  Himmler also left that day as he had his own urgent business to attend to. After a brief stop at his headquarters at Ziethen, he was driven to Gut Harzwalde to see Masur. Kersten was waiting as the car drew up in the pouring rain in the early hours of 21 April. Masur later recalled Himmler's arrival :

  During the course of the evening, we received a telephone call to tell us that Himmler would not come until around 2:30 am. We were sitting in the living room by candlelight, as the electricity, as always during air raids, was turned off. I was greatly worked up. Would this man, who was the real ruler of Germany, whose days however were numbered, appear as a man at the top of his power or would he already reflect the shadow of defeat? I was excited at the thought that in a few minutes I would be face to face with one of the greatest murderers of the Jewish people.

  At exactly 2:30 we heard the noise of a car arriving. Kersten went outside, and after a few minutes, Heinrich Himmler entered, followed by Brigade Commander Schellenberg, adjutant Dr Brandt, and Kersten. In spite of my inner excitement, I appeared outwardly perfectly cool. Himmler greeted me with 'Guten Tag', instead of 'Heil Hitler', and conveyed his satisfaction at the fact that I came to see him.

  We sat at a table, which was set up for coffee for five persons. Himmler was dressed impeccably in his uniform with the insignias of rank and shiny decorations. He looked well groomed, seemed fresh and lively in spite of the late hour, outwardly quiet, and in control. He looked better in person than in photographs. Perhaps his beady eyes and piercing gaze was an expression of sadism and harshness, however, had I not known his past, I would never have believed that this man was singularly responsible for the most extensive mass murders in history.

  Indeed, Himmler went out of his way to appear cooperative. After telling Masur how happy he was to see him, Himmler opened the discussion by saying, 'I want to bury the hatchet between us and the Jews. If I'd have had my way, many things would have been done differently'. He then went on to offer a feeble defence of the Nazi policies :

  In our Generation, we have not known any peace. When the First World War began, I was 14 years old. The war hardly ended when the Civil War began, and the Jews were deeply involved in the Spartacist revolt. The Jews were a foreign element in our midst, which always evoked irritation... After coming into power, we wanted to settle this issue once and for all, and I was in favour of a humane solution through emigration. I conferred with American organisations, to arrange for a quick emigration, but even countries who claimed to be friendly toward the Jews did not want to admit Jews...

  Then the war brought us into contact with the Jewish masses of the East, who were mostly part of the proletariat. Because of this, many new problems arose. We could not tolerate such an enemy at our backs. The Jewish masses were infected with many diseases, especially typhoid fever. I lost thousands of my SS troops through these diseases. Also the Jews were helping the partisans
.

  This litany of self justification for the worst crimes in history went on and on, much to Masur's growing sense of exasperation. Nonetheless, he somehow kept his nerve and was able to stem Himmler's flow of self pity by suggesting that he release prisoners in order to gain some credibility with the Anglo-American Allies. Himmler took the bait and agreed to the release of 1000 Jewish women from the concentration camp at Ravensbruck.

  It was significant, that Himmler wanted the freed prisoners designated as Polish, Masur noting that, 'He did not want to create any friction between himself and Hitler on account of the Jews'. Even now, Hitler's most trusted paladin was treading carefully with the implementation of his treasonous activities. The meeting ended at 05.00hrs, by which time Schellenberg was becoming increasingly anxious regarding Count Bernadotte who had been left waiting at Hohenlychen. Himmler bade farewell to Masur, after which he walked outside towards his car with Kersten. To his most trusted confidante he then said :

  Oh! Herr Kersten, we have made serious mistakes. We wanted greatness and security for Germany and we are leaving behind us a pile of ruins, a crumbling world. But it is still true that Europe must rally to a new standard, else all is lost. I always wanted what was best, but very often I had to act against my real convictions. Believe me Kersten, that went very much against the grain and it was bitter to me. But the Fuhrer decreed that it should be so, and Goebbels and Bormann were a bad influence on him. As a loyal soldier I had to obey, for no state can survive without obedience and discipline. It rests for me alone to decide how long I have to live, since my life has now become meaningless. And what will history say of me? Petty minds, bent on revenge, will hand down to posterity a false and perverted account of the great and good things which I, looking further ahead, have accomplished for Germany. The blame for many things which others have done will be heaped on me. The finest elements of the German people perish with the National Socialists; this is the real tragedy. Those who are left, those who will govern Germany, hold no interest for us. The Allies can do what they like with Germany.