Hitler

by Volker Ullrich

  81 On the rumours see Sigmund, Des Führers bester Freund, p. 203; Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, pp. 27f.; Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 242. The story of Geli’s pregnancy can be traced back to Bridget Hitler, the first wife of Hitler’s half-brother, Alois; see Michael Unger (ed.), The Memoirs of Bridget Hitler, London, 1979, pp. 70–7. The claim that Hitler was the murderer was spread by Otto Strasser, who heard it from his brother Paul, who himself heard it from his brother Gregor, murdered in 1934; Otto Strasser, Hitler und ich, Konstanz, 1948, pp. 236–8.

  82 See Hamann, Winifred Wagner, p. 211; interview with Hermann Esser on 20 March 1964, vol. 1; BayHStA München, Nl Esser; Sigmund, Des Führers bester Freund, pp. 184f. Leo Raubal also called his sister’s death “a mystery” in an interview of 22 March 1971; IfZ München, ZS 2239. Adolf Vogl considered it “out of the question” that Geli Raubal could have committed suicide. IfZ München, ZS 167.

  83 H. v. Schirach, Frauen um Hitler, p. 67; see Gun, Eva Hitler-Braun, p. 21.

  84 See Hayman, Hitler & Geli, p. 145. See also O. Strasser, Hitler und ich, p. 97. Strasser, however, merely writes of “extravagant wishes” that “the imagination of a healthy man would hardly believe possible.”

  85 Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, pp. 233, 238. See the very similar account in Hanfstaengl’s unpublished memoirs, pp. 189, 192; BSB München, Nl Hanfstaengl Ana 405, Box 47.

  86 Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 234. See Hayman, Hitler & Geli, p. 154, who uncritically accepts Hanfstaengl’s version. The nude portraits, which as late as 1998 Anna Maria Sigmund reprinted and described as genuine (“Geli Raubal,” in Die Frauen der Nazis, vol. 1, p. 144), were in fact fakes by forger Konrad Kujau. Sigmund corrected her mistake in 2003 in her book Des Führers bester Freund (pp. 208f.).

  87 Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, p. 28. See Heydecker, Hoffmann-Erinnerungen, p. 79. Gun and Hoffmann rely on an anecdote told by Anni Winter. According to Winter, before Geli Raubal locked herself in her room, she had discovered a letter from Eva Braun while tidying up Hitler’s chamber. In it, Braun thanked Hitler for inviting her out to the theatre. But it was no secret to Raubal that Hitler had been meeting up with Heinrich Hoffmann’s assistant for some time. As far as we can tell, Raubal did not see Braun as a rival. See also Rose, Julius Schaub, p. 103, who writes of a fleeting meeting between the two at the 1930 Oktoberfest. Gunter Peis (“Die unbekannte Geliebte”) emphasises Raubal’s “jealousy of Mimi Reiter,” who claimed to have slept with Hitler in the summer of 1931 (see above p. 275). More recently Peter Longerich (Joseph Goebbels: A Biography, London, 2015, p. 160) has insinuated that there might have been a connection between Hitler’s interest in Magda Goebbels (p. 285) and Raubal’s suicide.

  88 As in the statement by Emil Maurice dated 5 June 1945; quoted in Sigmund, Des Führers bester Freund, p. 186.

  89 Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, pp. 130–4; see Hoffmann’s manuscript for his court trial (January 1947), p. 14: Hoffmann claimed that Hitler shut himself away for ten days, which is manifestly untrue; IfZ München, MS 2049; Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, p. 22; Otto Dietrich, 12 Jahre mit Hitler, Munich, 1955, p. 198 (from a statement by Gregor Strasser); Hans Frank, Im Angesicht des Galgens: Deutung Hitlers und seiner Zeit auf Grund eigener Erlebnisse und Erkenntnisse, Munich and Gräfelfing, 1953, pp. 97f. (from a statement by Rudolf Hess); Karl Alexander von Müller, Im Wandel einer Welt: Erinnerungen. Vol. 3: 1919–1932, ed. Otto Alexander von Müller, Munich, 1966, p. 307. Elsa Bruckmann is quoted as saying that Hitler was “utterly broken and spent several hours sobbing in incomprehension.”

  90 Fest, Hitler, p. 445. See also Kershaw, Hitler: Hubris, p. 354: “He seemed to be on the verge of a nervous breakdown. He spoke of giving up politics and finishing it all.”

  91 Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, part 2, doc. 37, pp. 111–15. See Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 107 (entry for 25 Sept. 1931): “Early yesterday: picked up the boss. Looked haggard and pale as chalk…He didn’t say much. Not a word about Geli.”

  92 See Sigmund, Des Führers bester Freund, pp. 193–5; Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 211 (entry for 5 Feb. 1932), p. 366 (entry for 19 Sept. 1932); Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, p. 133. Hitler hired the florist Karl A. Rolleder in Vienna to maintain Raubal’s grave, although he neglected to pay the bill for the plants, bouquets, cleaning and upkeep of his niece’s final resting place. The florist was forced to send Hitler a reminder, asking the latter to not take it amiss if he “permitted himself to recall the outstanding sums.” Karl A. Rolleder to Hitler, 5 Nov. 1931, 22 Feb. 1932; BA Berlin-Lichterfelde, NS 26/2557.

  93 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 135 (entry for 27 Oct. 1931). See ibid., p. 154 (entry for 22 Nov. 1931): “The boss talked about women whom he loves a lot. About the special one he has yet to find…About Geli, whom he lost and for whom his heart pines. He was very emotional. We all like him so very much. He’s so selfless.” See also Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 54–6.

  94 Wagener, Hitler aus nächster Nähe, p. 358. See Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, p. 117.

  95 Hess, Briefe, p. 415 (dated 9 Nov. 1931).

  96 See above pp. 7f. and below pp. 380f. See also the justified criticism from Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 10f.

  97 Fest, Hitler, p. 446.

  98 H. v. Schirach, Frauen um Hitler, p. 73; Hoffmann’s manuscript for his court trial (January 1947), p. 14: “With the death of his niece, a piece of Hitler’s humanity was dead and buried as well. He became a different person.” IfZ München, MS 2049; see Marlies Steinert, Hitler, Munich, 1994, p. 252; Kershaw, Hitler: Hubris, p. 354.

  99 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 85 (entry for 26 Aug. 1931); p. 91 (entry for 4 Sept. 1931). On Hitler’s meeting with Magda Quant in Hotel Kaiserhof see Wagener, Hitler aus nächster Nähe, pp. 376–8.

  100 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, pp. 98, 100 (entries for 14 and 16 Sept. 1931).

  101 See Longerich, Goebbels, p. 159.

  102 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 200 (entry for 20 Jan. 1932). Among the women that the Goebbelses invited to social events in order to introduce them to Hitler was the singer and actress Gretl Slezak, the daughter of celebrated tenor Leo Slezak, whom a youthful Hitler had admired at the Linz Stadttheater in the role of Lohengrin. See Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 247 (entry for 22 March 1932); p. 271 (entry for 30 April 1932); vol. 2/3, p. 63 (entry for 20 Nov. 1932), p. 75 (entry for 6 Dec. 1932). See also Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, pp. 159–62; Sigmund, Des Führers bester Freund, pp. 272f.; Joachimsthaler, Hitlers Liste, pp. 489–96.

  103 Leni Riefenstahl, Memoiren, Munich, 1987, p. 214: On the meeting with Hitler in May 1932 see ibid., pp. 157–60. See Jürgen Trimborn, Riefenstahl: Eine deutsche Karriere, Berlin, 2002, pp. 129–33; Karin Wieland, Dietrich & Riefenstahl: Der Traum von der neuen Frau, Munich, 2011, pp. 176–8. In early Nov. 1932, Leni Riefenstahl paid Hitler a visit in Hotel Kaiserhof. “She’s very enthusiastic about us,” noted Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/3, p. 50 (entry for 3 Nov. 1932).

  104 See Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 39–43; Anna Maria Sigmund, “Eva Braun,” in idem, Die Frauen der Nazis, vol. 1, pp. 159ff.

  105 Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, p. 135.

  106 Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, pp. 46f.; for a critical perspective on Gun’s portrayal see Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 19–21.

  107 See Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 21–3; H. v. Schirach, Frauen um Hitler, p. 224; Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, pp. 49f.

  108 Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 156. The NSDAP treasurer, Franz Xaver Schwarz, also said during questioning on 21 July 1945 that the relationship between Hitler and Eva Braun had been “purely platonic”; IfZ München, ZS 1452.

  109 H. v. Schirach, Frauen um Hitler, p. 226.

  110 See Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, p. 55; Maser, Adolf Hitler, p. 322, who relies on a statement by Anni Winter from 1969. During her internment together with Christa Schroeder in Augsburg in 1945, Winte
r told of how Eva Braun began paying weekend visits half a year after Raubal’s suicide. “Every Saturday,” Winter said, “she appeared with a little suitcase at the apartment on Prinzregentenplatz.” Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, pp. 234f.

  111 Görtemaker, Eva Braun, p. 52. Upon examining the photos of the 1938 Munich Conference, which showed Daladier, Mussolini and Chamberlain in Hitler’s apartment, Eva Braun allegedly told her best friend Herta Schneider (née Ostermeier): “If Chamberlain only knew the history of this sofa.” Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, p. 55.

  112 Wagener, Hitler aus nächster Nähe, p. 99.

  113 Richard Wagner, Rienzi, der Letzte der Tribunen: Grosse tragische Oper in fünf Akten. Nach der Originalpartitur ed. Egon Voss, Stuttgart, 2010, pp. 59f.; see also Hanfstaengl’s note, “Rienzi—A. H.”; BSB München, Nl Hanfstaengl Ana 405, Box 25.

  114 Wagener, Hitler aus nächster Nähe, p. 358.

  115 Gun, Eva-Braun-Hitler, p. 57. See Fritz Wiedemann, Der Mann, der Feldherr werden wollte: Erlebnisse und Erfahrungen des Vorgesetzten Hitlers im 1. Weltkrieg und seines späteren persönlichen Adjutanten, Velbert and Kettwig 1964, p. 70.

  116 Gun, Eva Braun-Hitler, p. 56. See Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 59–62, who discusses the question of when the attempt would have happened, and considers the beginning of Nov. 1932 as the most likely date.

  117 Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, p. 137; see Hoffmann’s manuscript for his court trial (January 1947), p. 22; IfZ München, MS 2049.

  118 Schroeder, Er war mein Chef, p. 164; Joachimsthaler, Hitlers Liste, pp. 441f. On the question of motives see Görtemaker, Eva Braun, pp. 62f.

  119 Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, p. 287; see also Hanfstaengl’s unpublished memoirs, p. 236: “Hitler was at his most mild…It was the last time I experienced him in such a relaxed mood.” BSB München, Nl Hanfstaengl Ana 405, Box 47.

  11 Bids and Bluffs

  1 Joseph Goebbels, Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei, Munich, 1934, p. 20. On the later changes to the diary see Peter Longerich, Joseph Goebbels: A Biography, London 2015, pp. 192.

  2 Otto Dietrich, Mit Hitler in die Macht: Persönliche Erlebnisse mit meinem Führer, 2nd edition, Munich, 1934 (quotations on pp. 15, 36, 58, 80). See Stefan Krings, Hitlers Pressechef Otto Dietrich 1897–1952: Eine Biographie, Göttingen, 2010, pp. 267f.

  3 See Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels. Part 1: Aufzeichnungen 1923–1941, ed. Elke Fröhlich, Munich, 1998, vol. 2, p. 186 (entry for 1 Jan. 1932): “The new year must bring the decision.”

  4 Leopold Schwarzschild, Chronik eines Untergangs: Deutschland 1924–1939, ed. Andreas P. Wesemann, Vienna, 2005, p. 232. See Golo Mann, Erinnerungen und Gedanken: Eine Jugend in Deutschland, Frankfurt am Main, 1986, p. 442.

  5 Adolf Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen—Februar 1925 bis Januar 1933. Vol. 4: Von der Reichstagswahl bis zur Reichspräsidentenwahl Oktober 1930–März 1932. Part 3: Januar bis März 1932, ed. Christian Hartmann, Munich, 1997, doc. 1, pp. 3–10 (quotations on pp. 4, 5).

  6 Ibid., doc. 2, pp. 11–13 (quotation on p. 12).

  7 Rudolf Hess, Briefe 1908–1933, ed. Rüdiger Hess, Munich and Vienna, 1987, p. 413 (dated 3 Sept. 1931).

  8 See Hitler to Karl Haniel, 25 Jan. 1932; Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, part 3, doc. 13, pp. 69f.

  9 Ibid., doc. 15, pp. 74–110 (quotations on pp. 81, 88, 106, 109). On Hitler’s appearance before the Düsseldorf Industrial Club see Henry A. Turner, Die Grossunternehmer und der Aufstieg Hitlers, Berlin, 1986, pp. 260–71; Gustav Luntowski, Hitler und die Herren an der Ruhr: Wirtschaftsmacht und Staatsmacht im Dritten Reich, Frankfurt am Main, 2000, pp. 43–6; Volker Ackermann (ed.), Treffpunkt der Eliten: Die Geschichte des Industrie-Clubs Düsseldorf, Düsseldorf, 2006, pp. 128–39.

  10 Dietrich, Mit Hitler in die Macht, pp. 46–9.

  11 See Turner, Grossunternehmer, pp. 268f.; Luntowski, Hitler und die Herren an der Ruhr, pp. 46f.; Ackermann, Treffpunkt der Eliten, pp. 127f.; Krings, Hitlers Pressechef, pp. 148f.

  12 See Turner, Grossunternehmer, p. 265.

  13 See Hans Otto Eglau, Fritz Thyssen: Hitlers Gönner und Geisel, Berlin, 2003, p. 134. In a letter to Hugenberg on 20 Jan. 1932, which was sent from the Park Hotel in Düsseldorf, Thyssen announced he was resigning his membership in the DNVP. On 28 Jan. 1932, Thyssen added that he never deceived Hugenberg about the fact that he would only be a member of the party “as long as it was committed to cooperating with Hitler.” BA Koblenz, N 1231/39.

  14 Dietrich, 12 Jahre mit Hitler, Munich, 1955, pp. 185f. See Krings, Hitlers Pressechef, p. 149n216, who quotes from the unpublished section of his memoirs: “I noticed that relatively minor sums were coming in. There were a couple of cheques for a few thousand marks, but relative to Hitler’s expectations, the overall results were scant, which made him voice his disappointment.”

  15 See Turner, Grossunternehmer, pp. 274f.; Eglau, Fritz Thyssen, p. 135.

  16 See Heinrich Brüning, Memoiren 1918–1934, Stuttgart, 1970, pp. 451, 500; Heinrich August Winkler, Weimar 1918–1933: Die Geschichte der ersten deutschen Demokratie, Munich, 1993, p. 444; Wolfram Pyta, Hindenburg: Herrschaft zwischen Hohenzollern und Hitler, Munich, 2007, pp. 645–50.

  17 Quoted in Johannes Hürter, Wilhelm Groener: Reichswehrminister am Ende der Weimarer Republik 1928–1932, Munich, 1993, pp. 322f. In late January 1932, after negotiations had broken down, Groener described Hitler as a “visionary and idol of stupidity” and a “jester of the masses” who should be kept away from political power “at all costs.” Ibid., p. 324.

  18 See Hitler to Brüning, 12 Jan., 15 Jan., 25 Jan. 1932; Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, part 3, doc. 6, pp. 11–13; doc. 8, pp. 34–44; doc. 12, pp. 58–68. Rudolf Hess thought it was “utterly brilliant” how Hitler “turned the tables” with regard to Hindenburg’s candidature. Rudolf Hess to Klara Hess, 15 Jan. 1932; BA Bern, Nl Hess, J1.211-1989/148, 49. In a letter to Brüning of 11 Jan. 1932 Hugenberg said the DNVP would refuse to support an extension of Hindenburg’s term of office. BA Koblenz, N 1231/36.

  19 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 199 (entry for 20 Jan. 1932).

  20 Ibid., p. 205 (entry for 28 Jan. 1932), p. 207 (entry for 30 Jan. 1932).

  21 Ibid., p. 209 (entry for 3 Feb. 1932).

  22 Brüning, Memoiren, p. 519.

  23 Hermann Pünder, Politik in der Reichskanzlei: Aufzeichnungen aus den Jahren 1929–1932, ed. Thilo Vogelsang, Stuttgart, 1961, p. 144 (entry for 15 Feb. 1932). See Pyta, Hindenburg, pp. 658–63.

  24 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 225 (entry for 23 Feb. 1932).

  25 A copy of the contract of employment prepared between the Free State of Braunschweig and the writer Adolf Hitler in BA Koblenz, N1128/27. For documentation surrounding Hitler’s citizenship see Rudolf Morsey, “Hitler als Braunschweigischer Regierungsrat,” in Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 8 (1960), pp. 419–48; see also Gunnhild Ruben, “Bitte mich als Untermieter bei Ihnen anzumelden!”: Hitler und Braunschweig 1932–1935, Norderstedt, 2004, pp. 42–52.

  26 Morsey, “Hitler als Braunschweigischer Regierungsrat,” p. 442.

  27 Goebbel, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 228 (entry for 26 Feb. 1932). See also ibid., p. 230 (entry for 1 March 1932): “He’ll have to present himself as ‘Government Counsel Hitler.’ Well, well.” At Baldur von Schirach’s wedding with Henriette Hoffmann on 31 March 1932, where Hitler and Röhm served as best men, he signed the registry as “Government Counsel Hitler.” Note by Henriette von Schirach, “76 Jahre Leben in Deutschland” (1989); BayHStA München, Nl. H. v. Schirach 3.

  28 Heinrich August Winkler, Der Weg in die Katastrophe: Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in der Weimarer Republik 1930 bis 1933, Berlin and Bonn, 1987, pp. 512f. On the clashes over the candidacy within the political Right, see Volker R. Berghahn, “Harzburger Front und die Kandidatur Hindenburgs für die Präsidentschaftswahlen 1932,” in Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 13 (1965), pp. 64–82.

  29 Thea Sternheim, Tagebücher. Vol.
2: 1925–1936, ed. and selected Thomas Ehrsam and Regula Wyss, Göttingen, 2002, p. 394 (entry for 16 Feb. 1932).

  30 Quoted in Klaus Schönhoven and Jochen Vogel (eds), Frühe Warnungen vor dem Nationalsozialismus: Ein historisches Lesebuch, Bonn, 1998, pp. 245f.; see Martin Döring, “Parlamentarischer Arm der Bewegung”: Die Nationalsozialisten im Reichstag der Weimarer Republik, Düsseldorf, 2001, pp. 322f.; Winkler, Weimar, p. 446.

  31 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 226 (entry for 24 Jan. 1932).

  32 Ibid., pp. 230f. (entry for 1 March 1932); see Gerhard Paul, Aufstand der Bilder: Die NS-Propaganda vor 1933, Bonn, 1990, pp. 95f.

  33 Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, part 3, doc. 29, pp. 138–44 (quotation on p. 142).

  34 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 229 (entry for 28 Feb. 1932).

  35 Quoted in Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, part 3, doc. 32, p. 153n1.

  36 Quoted in ibid., doc. 34, p. 166n1.

  37 Hitler to Hindenburg, 28 Feb. 1932; ibid., doc. 30, pp. 145–50 (quotation on p. 147).

  38 Ibid., doc. 39, p. 191; see ibid., doc. 29, p. 144; doc. 32, pp. 160f.; doc. 35, p. 172; doc. 36, p. 181; doc. 41, p. 199; doc. 43, p. 202; doc. 45, p. 214. On this element of Hitler’s election strategy see also Pyta, Hindenburg, pp. 671f.

  39 Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, part 3, doc. 32, p. 157; see ibid., doc. 34, p. 169; doc. 36, p. 179; doc. 39, p. 191; doc. 41, p. 199; doc. 43, p. 201; doc. 45, p. 213.

  40 Quoted in Wolfgang Horn, Der Marsch zur Machtergreifung: Die NSDAP bis 1933, Düsseldorf, 1980, p. 347n66; see Paul, Aufstand der Bilder, p. 97.

  41 Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2/2, p. 235 (entry for 6 March 1932).

  42 Ibid., p. 237 (entry for 9 March 1932). See also ibid., p. 241 (entry for 13 March 1932): “Hitler just called from Nuremberg. Everyone is confident of victory. He is too.” On 29 Feb. 1932, Wilhelm Frick had written to his sister Emma: “We’ll have to use all our strength if we’re to be victorious. Our prospects are quite good.” BA Koblenz, N 1241/7.