Punch replied:
Punch only wishes his Cartoon was as large as his gratitude, in which case he would certainly have found room not only for these gallant officers – combatant or non-combatant, who assisted in the defence of Rorke’s Drift – but for every man who piled a biscuit-box, fisted a mealie-bag, levelled a rifle, or plied a bayonet on that memorable night. But pages have their limits, though gratitude has none, and so Punch and his artist have been fain to lump under the names and presentments of the most prominent leaders of that noble defence all the officers and men who contributed to it, in their several ranks and capacities. He rejoices that “An Officer’s” letter, in mentioning many of these names, secures a record of them in his immortal pages.7
The Victoria Cross (VC)
The Victoria Cross – the ultimate accolade – is Britain’s highest honour for bravery in battle; it is a medal that has an awesome mystique. There is something brooding about the dark bronze of the medal with its dull crimson ribbon that sets it apart from the glittering silver and colourful ribbons of other awards.
Victoria Crosses were awarded for acts performed in terrifying and bloody circumstances: the tunnel vision of spontaneous bravery in saving a helpless comrade; the calculated act because there was no alternative or because the risk is worth taking.
After the hero was feted by a grateful nation, the Victoria Cross could bring its own problems for, all too often, the qualities that made a man a hero in battle could elude him in times of peace. Of the 1,354 men who have won the VC, nineteen committed suicide, a far higher proportion than the national average today (although most recipients were Victorian). About the same number have died in suspicious circumstances. Others fell on hard times and died in abject poverty, having sold their hard-earned Cross for a pittance. In contrast, most officer recipients prospered, as did many other ranks who were held in high esteem by their neighbours. The VC changed some men’s lives for the better while others could not come to terms with its constant reminder of nightmarish events. Along with the Charge of the Light Brigade, the most celebrated feat of arms during Victoria’s reign was the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 and in particular, the battle of Rorke’s Drift.
Gonville Bromhead received his Victoria Cross from the new commander, General Sir Garnet Wolseley, a man who let it be known that he thought the awards for the defence of Rorke’s Drift were ‘monstrous’. When Bromhead returned to England, he was invited with Chard to dine with the queen at Balmoral. Rather typical of his luck, he had already gone fishing in Ireland and did not receive his invitation until the date had passed. Despite sending his apologies, he was never invited again. Bromhead was promoted to captain and served in the East Indies and in the Burma Campaign of 1886. He attained the rank of major and was serving with the battalion in India when he was struck down by typhoid and died on 9 February 1891. Bromhead’s medal is currently owned by his descendants.
John Chard received a hero’s welcome when he arrived at Portsmouth. The Duke of Cambridge, who brought the invitation to dine with the queen, personally greeted him. In contrast to some of his critical superiors, Victoria was taken by Chard’s unassuming manner and the modest way he related events. She was most impressed by the battle, asking for photo portraits of the Victoria Cross recipients and commissioning Lady Butler to paint a picture of Rorke’s Drift.
Chard continued to enjoy the royal favour and rose in rank to colonel. He was posted abroad several times but never saw action again. In 1896 he was diagnosed as having cancer of the tongue and he was forced to retire. Queen Victoria was kept informed of his condition, which deteriorated and led to his death in November 1897.
An interesting postscript concerning Chard’s Victoria Cross occurred in 1999. Stanley Baker, who played Chard in the celebrated film ZULU, acquired Chard’s pair of medals in auction in 1972. Although the campaign medal was genuine, the Victoria Cross was catalogued as a copy and, as a consequence, Baker paid the comparatively modest sum of £2,700 for the pair. On Stanley Baker’s death, the Cross changed hands three times until it ended up, lodged for safety, with Spinks medal dealers who decided to check the nature of Chard’s ‘copy’ medal; its metallic characteristics were tested by the Royal Armouries. The test results were compared with those of the bronze ingot, kept at the Central Ordnance Depot, from which all Victoria Crosses are cast. The tests revealed that the ‘copy’ had come from this same block and there was no doubt that it was the genuine article. No price can be put on this authenticated VC awarded to such a famous recipient.
With the exception of Robert Jones’s medal, all the VCs belonging to the men of the 24th are now on display at the Regimental Museum at Brecon.
Award of Rorke’s Drift Victoria Crosses
A full account concerning the gallantry and medal citations for Rorke’s Drift appears in Chapter 15.
The Distinguished Conduct Medal (DCM)
The alternative gallantry award was the Distinguished Conduct Medal, which was instituted in December 1854 for other ranks only. Before this date there had been no way of rewarding outstanding acts of bravery by ordinary soldiers and, in the rush of jingoism that accompanied the outbreak of the Crimean War, the press and the public demanded some form of recognition for their heroes. Moving with unusual speed, the Horse Guards produced the DCM, which carried with it a gratuity of £15 for sergeants, £10 for corporals and £5 for privates. Many of these medals, such as the Crimean War medal, were issued to men actually serving at the front, and were worn by them in the trenches before Sebastopol.
Like most medals of this period, it was designed by William Wyon, Royal Academician. The obverse showed a trophy of arms, while the reverse had the inscription FOR DISTINGUISHED CONDUCT IN THE FIELD. The medal was made of silver with a scrolled silver suspender that hung from a ribbon of red with a dark blue centre stripe. The result was aesthetically pleasing and generally well received.
The awarding of this medal, however, has a history of inconsistencies. For instance 800 were awarded during the Crimean War but only seventeen for the Indian Mutiny, while 2,090 were issued for the Boer War but just eighty-seven for the Sudan.
The Zulu War saw as many as twenty-three Victoria Crosses awarded compared with just sixteen DCMs. One wonders why only five DCMs were awarded for the defence of Rorke’s Drift when there were so many acts of gallantry displayed. Indeed, one could argue that some of the Victoria Crosses awarded for this action probably merited the DCM instead. But then other motives were at work to lessen the impact of Isandlwana on the British public. The Rorke’s Drift recipients of the ‘Silver Medal’, as it is sometimes known, were Corporal Francis Attwood, Army Service Corps, Gunner John Cantwell, Royal Artillery, the celebrated Colour Sergeant Frank Bourne 2/24th and Private William Roy l/24th who was one of the defenders of the hospital. Private Roy left the army but could not settle; he emigrated to Australia where his health deteriorated. In 1887 a military concert was held in Sydney for his benefit as he was ‘almost blind and helpless’. He lived out the remainder of his life in an institution. The fifth recipient was Corporal Michael McMahon, Army Hospital Corps who subsequently had his award taken away for theft and desertion.
Following the awards of the Victoria Cross, the press speculated about awards for the other participants. Comment from The Times was typical, even though nothing came of the suggestion:
It is probable that the medal for Distinguished Service in the field will be given to the whole of the garrison at Rorke’s Drift and that B Company, 2nd Battalion 24th Foot in commemoration of the gallant stand it made on the 22nd January l879. This will bea lasting honour to the Company and the Regiment. It is satisfactory to note that the non-combatant officers have also received a step of rank. Surgeon Major Reynolds and Messrs. Dalton and Dunne have richly earned their promotion.
The South Africa Medal
The South Africa Medal, to give the Zulu War Medal its correct title, was given to all who were involved in the war effort and covered the period from 25 Septem
ber 1877 to 2 December 1879. The original design was by William Wyon and was the same as the 1853 medal issued to participants of the ‘Kaffir Wars’ or, as they have been politically corrected, the Frontier Wars, for three separate campaigns during the years 1834–5, 1846–7 and 1850–53. The medal is a silver disc measuring 35.5mm (1.4in) diameter. The authority for the medal came from a royal warrant dated January 1880 which was followed by a further two royal warrants. This was followed by a general order (G.O.) No. 103 published in August 1880. Due to its ambiguous drafting, a further clarifying G.O., No. 134 was issued in October 1880. The medal obverse shows the diademed head of a young Queen Victoria with the legend victoria regina. The ‘young queen’ design first appeared on medals as early as 1842 and was still used nearly forty years later on the 1879 medal. One might wonder why this should be when the other campaign medals of the 1870–80 period show a matronly head of the queen. The probable explanation is cost. Some 36,600 medals, all struck by the Royal Mint, were issued and as there was already a die for the South African War Medal, it was a fairly simple matter to mint a further quantity.
The reverse was designed by L.C. Wyon, (a son of William Wyon). Beneath the words south africa is the graceful illustration of the lion which symbolizes Africa and is usually wrongly described as stooping to drink from a pool in front of a protea bush. In fact the artistic effect should convey submission. One under secretary hoped that ‘the lion doing penance will not be taken for the British Lion’. In the exergue (the space below), the date ‘1853’ was substituted with a Zulu shield and four crossed assegais. The recipient’s name and unit were stamped or engraved on the rim in capital letters. After months of deliberation, Queen Victoria finally approved the ribbon of watered pale orange with two wide and two narrow dark blue stripes, which symbolized South Africa’s parched terrain and many watercourses.
Also issued for fitting to the medal was a date bar or clasp. Of all the medals ever issued, that to the Zulu War presents a bewildering number of permutations. Date bars for 1877, 1877–8 and 1877–9 were issued to members of the Colonial forces who fought against the Gcalekas. There was a separate 1878 bar for operations against the Griquas. There were also bars for 1877–8–9 and 1878–9 and the Imperial regiments like the 3rd, 13th, 24th, 80th, 88th and 90th were also entitled to fix these to their medals, as were N Battery 5th Brigade Royal Artillery, the principle being that the year(s) on the clasp convey all the operations in which the recipient may have engaged. The 1879 bar was issued to all who took part in operations in Zululand. For those who remained in Natal, 5,600 medals without a bar were issued, with the largest number in this category being awarded to the sailors of HM ships Euphrates, Boadicea, Himalaya, Orontes and Tamar.8
Curiously, those members of B Company who fought at Rorke’s Drift but did not cross the border into Zululand nevertheless received bars to their medals, whether by mistake or design is not known. General Order 103 dated 1 August 1880 specifically excluded the award of clasps to those who did not cross into Zululand.
Of all the campaign medals from Victoria’s small wars, medal collectors today find the Zulu War Medal the most collectable. Prices vary according to the recipient, regiment and action. Rorke’s Drift recipients command the highest price. A survivor of Isandlwana would be equally valued. Medals to soldiers of the 24th are more sought after than those of other regiments. An exception is for medals of the 80th who were at Ntombe Drift.
Colonial forces medals are naturally more sought after in South Africa, with Hlobane participants the most desirable. Because of their scarcity and mystique, Zulu War gallantry medals command very high prices and rarely appear on the market. Although it can be an expensive hobby, medal collecting offers the enthusiast the spur to research and learn more about the individuals involved in this most fascinating of colonial wars.
Miscellaneous medal awards relating to Rorke’s Drift
Gold Medal of the British Medical Association
Besides his VC, Surgeon Major Reynolds also received the Gold Medal of the British Medical Association in July 1879.
Royal Red Cross
At the age of 19 years, nurse Janet Wells took part in the Russo-Balkan War of 1878. She was then sent to South Africa with the second Zululand invasion force where she supervised the military hospital at Utrecht and then moved to Rorke’s Drift. After the battle of Ulundi she spent several weeks at Rorke’s Drift. She returned to England while still only 20 years of age and resumed her career in nursing. Nurse Wells received the Zulu War campaign medal and in 1883 she was presented to Queen Victoria who awarded her the rare Royal Red Cross for her nursing services during the Zulu War. She was also awarded the Russian Red Cross for her services during the Russo-Balkan War.
CHAPTER 11
War’s End
A gallant monarch defending his country.
A DESCRIPTION OF KING CETSHWAYO IN PARLIAMENT.
It was obvious to Lord Chelmsford that the war was turning in his favour, but both he and Sir Bartle Frere still needed a decisive victory in the field to erase the stain of Isandlwana. Moreover, throughout March and April, a steady stream of reinforcements had arrived in Durban and Chelmsford now had far more troops at his disposal than he had hoped for at the beginning of the campaign. With the Zulu capacity to mount an offensive broken, he was now in a position to initiate a fresh invasion of Zululand. As before, King Cetshwayo’s principal homestead at Ulundi, in the heart of Zululand, remained Chelmsford’s target.
Chelmsford had learned much from the disastrous first invasion of January. Whereas his original columns were weak and failed to take proper precautions on the march, he planned his new columns to be juggernauts. They would be much stronger than the original columns, and would not only protect their halts with improvised laagers each night, but would also establish a chain of fortified posts in their wake to guard their lines of communication.
For the second invasion of Zululand, Chelmsford planned on making two main thrusts. The first would follow the coastline northwards into Zululand using troops from Pearson’s old Coastal Column. This force was designated the First Division under the command of Major General Henry Crealock, one of several major generals who had been sent to South Africa as reinforcements. Crealock was an experienced officer whose younger brother, John North Crealock, was Chelmsford’s military secretary. Chelmsford planned that his second main thrust would come from the north-west, following roughly the line of the old Centre Column. However, as Chelmsford wished to spare his men the sight of the battlefield of Isandlwana, where the British dead still lay unburied, he planned a new line of communication through the village of Dundee, crossing the Mzinyathi (Buffalo) and Ntombe rivers upstream from Rorke’s Drift. This column would pass Isandlwana to rejoin the old planned line of advance near Babanango mountain. It would be called the Second Division and was composed of troops fresh out from England. Although Chelmsford himself accompanied this column, it was commanded by another new arrival, Major General Edward Newdigate, who, like Glyn before him, found himself with little real opportunity to exercise his authority. A new cavalry division, consisting of the 1st (King’s) Dragoon Guards and 17th Lancers commanded by Major General Frederick Marshall, was to be attached to the Second Division. Evelyn Wood’s column was re-designated the Flying Column. Its orders were to affect a junction with the Second Division and advance in tandem with it to Ulundi.
Chelmsford was greatly concerned by the lack of wagons while the accumulation of reinforcements created further transport demands. The Natal authorities were becoming more and more reluctant to co-operate with Chelmsford’s requests; they were increasingly worried that the ordinary commercial economy of the colony would grind to a halt as transport drivers abandoned their regular work for the easy pickings offered by the army. Many of the wagons accumulated by the old Centre Column were still abandoned on the field of Isandlwana so Chelmsford decided to recover any serviceable wagons from the battlefield. On 21 May he dispatched General Marshall to bury the
dead and recover any undamaged wagons. A force of 2,490 men were dispatched including the 17th Lancers, the King’s Dragoon Guards and four companies of the 24th. They were accompanied by a sizeable force of natives with 150 army horses to bring back the wagons. The complete force assembled at Rorke’s Drift and set off at daybreak. A force of Lancers made a detour to Sihayo’s kraal to clear the area and, unopposed, met up with the main force at Isandlwana. Major Bengough’s natives were deployed in skirmishing formation to search the slopes of the Nqutu plateau while the main force, led by the marching 24th, approached the devastated campsite. Once General Marshall was satisfied the area was free of Zulus, the solemn but ghastly task of burying the dead commenced. The whole area was strewn with human bones and skeletons, some covered with parchment-like skin; the depredation was worsened by the ravages of vultures and predatory animals which included the formidable pack of soldiers’ dogs, which had reverted to the wild. Most of the bodies were unrecognizable; others had desiccated in the hot African sun leaving their features shockingly recognizable. Captain Shepstone pointed out that of Colonel Durnford who was buried where he fell.
Forty-five wagons were recovered along with a large supply of stores that had been ignored by the victorious Zulus. With the dead now buried, the force departed the battlefield with the same precautions with which they had moved onto the scene.
From the first, Crealock’s Coastal Column suffered from a serious lack of transport facilities and was dubbed ‘Crealock’s Crawlers’ by the rest of the army. The health of Crealock’s troops also deteriorated rapidly which seriously slowed his progress. Outbreaks of enteric fever, typhoid and dysentery soon hospitalized a worryingly high proportion of his men. Nevertheless, Crealock achieved some of his objectives when he destroyed two large Zulu homesteads containing over 900 huts. The Zulus made no attempt to distract the British from burning these two important complexes, which suggests their capacity to resist was suffering. King Cetshwayo now realized the grim truth: that though many Zulus remained loyal to him, with so many of their young men now dead they stood little chance of resisting the huge British columns which were steadily occupying their country.
Rorke's Drift Page 20
