Stark Mad Abolitionists

by Robert K. Sutton

  With pro-slavery and antislavery factions fighting over political control of the territory, it did not take much of a spark to touch off the first battle. The spark was a dispute that escalated into a killing. A recent free-state arrival from Indiana, Charles W. Dow, was invited to stay and work on a land claim belonging to another Hoosier, Jacob Branson, several miles south of Lawrence. Franklin N. Coleman, a pro-slavery man, had a claim next to Branson, and the two men were disputing the exact boundary between their properties. Coleman came to the territory as a radical abolitionist, but in a short time turned to the pro-slavery side.94 On November 21, 1855, Coleman and several of his pro-slavery colleagues got into a heated argument with Dow. Exactly what the dispute was about was never clear. A few minutes later, Coleman shot Dow, probably in cold blood, although Coleman later claimed it was in self-defense. Hours later, Branson discovered Dow’s body, but in the meantime Coleman fled to Missouri, where he sought refuge with Samuel J. Jones, the pro-slavery sheriff of Douglas County, Kansas—Jones, like many territorial officials, lived across the border. At that point, the story got fuzzy. Somehow Coleman placed the blame on Branson, and Sheriff Jones led a posse to arrest Branson on the night of November 26, 1855.

  That same night, one hundred free-state men met and debated what they should do in light of Dow’s murder. Several hotheads broke into Coleman’s house and set the straw from his bed on fire, intending to burn his house down, but others extinguished the fire, saying that free-state men should not resort to the tactics of the pro-slavery thugs. As the men were heading back to Lawrence, they heard that a posse had arrested Branson.

  Samuel N. Wood later described what happened next. He separated the one hundred men into three groups to locate the posse. After stumbling around for several hours in the dark, Wood and his party intercepted Sheriff Jones and his posse. In the ensuing conversation, both sides threatened to shoot each other. Wood recalled that he said: “gentlemen, shoot, and not a man of you shall leave alive.” Both sides cocked and aimed their weapons, but neither side fired. Branson came over to the free-state side, and Sheriff Jones followed and said he had a warrant for Branson’s arrest. Wood replied that he was Branson’s attorney and asked to see the warrant to determine if it was legal. Jones refused to produce the warrant, and after several more threats, both parties went their separate ways without either side firing a shot. Wood and his party went to Lawrence. They arrived at about 4:00 a.m. and went straight to Charles Robinson’s house.95

  Robinson recognized that Branson’s rescue likely was all the provocation Governor Shannon needed to call for volunteers from the pro-slavery faction to retaliate. The Missourians were anxious to have any excuse to burn Lawrence to the ground, confiscate the Sharps rifles, and run the free-state settlers out of the territory. Robinson later wrote that at this point, he hoped he could “thwart, baffle, and circumvent” the bogus territorial government. But he hoped to do so by avoiding violence.96

  For his part, Sheriff Jones sent a message to Governor Shannon stating that a force of free-state vigilantes attacked his posse and took his prisoner. And as Robinson predicted, Shannon called for volunteers to assemble and deal with the renegades in Lawrence. He sent a note to Colonel Edwin Sumner, commander of the US Army in Kansas, asking for support, and another to President Pierce, stating that this lawless band of free-state men was attempting to overthrow the legal government of Kansas Territory. His message was simple. If he, as governor, did not enforce the laws against the free-state faction, he would be forced “to submit to their lawless dominion.”97

  This whole affair presented an interesting legal dilemma. On the one hand, Wilson Shannon was the legally appointed governor of Kansas Territory. True, the territorial legislature was elected by Missouri voters, who were only interested in making Kansas a slave state. They had no intention of living there. But the legislative body was the legal governing body for the territory. On the other hand, the free-state residents were clearly incensed about the political situation, but they had no recourse through the legal realm to change things. President Pierce supported the governor and the pro-slavery legislature. Congress was not interested in intervening. The United States Supreme Court was not an option either, since the majority were pro-slavery southerners. Free-state settlers had tried to circumvent the legal process by holding meetings, by drafting a constitution, and by selecting a delegate to Congress. They also did everything in their power to repudiate or simply ignore the laws passed by the “bogus legislature” they found repugnant.

  When Branson’s rescuers came to Lawrence, Charles Robinson asked Samuel Wood and the others to state that they rescued Branson on their own accord, and that their actions were not sanctioned by the citizens of Lawrence. They agreed to do so. Robinson called the Committee of Safety into action. He and his committee were not sure what would happen, but in case the pro-slavery Missourians were up to something, he wanted to be prepared. He assumed command of the town’s defenses and appointed James Lane as his assistant. Free-state men swarmed to Lawrence from Leavenworth, Topeka, and elsewhere. Defensive breastworks were thrown up at strategic locations in and around Lawrence, and the townspeople were ready for battle. The free-staters had a regiment—about one thousand men—ready on hand that could be divided into smaller companies with assignments to defend different areas of the town at a moment’s notice. They held several advantages. With the Sharps rifles, they had superior firepower. They had been training for several months and were ready for nearly any contingency. Further, if actual shooting started, they had excellent defensive positions.98

  By December 1, 1855, the Missourians started gathering several miles outside Lawrence on the Wakarusa River bottom. Robinson reported that the Missourians were “bold and blustering, threatening the direst vengeance against the hated town of Lawrence and all abolitionists.” The residents of Lawrence went about their daily business, and Sheriff Jones and other pro-slavery men were even allowed to enter the town undisturbed. On the other side, the Missourians attempted to keep Lawrence residents pinned in the town, and keep outside free-state supporters from entering. The Missourians, however, were not aware that free-state women in Lawrence were acting as soldiers too. Samuel Wood’s wife Margaret and Lois Brown (newspaper editor George Washington Brown’s wife) passed freely through the Missourians’ lines. On their outgoing trip, they went to a hidden ammunition cache just outside of town. They loaded two kegs of powder under their wagon seat. They also hid bullet molds, cartridges, lead bars, and caps under their dresses. To dispel any suspicions, they left a basket of knitting, a book, and a container of milk in plain sight. On their return trip, they were allowed to pass through without any trouble.99

  On December 6, the Missourians stopped three free-state men who were heading home from Lawrence. Following an argument, one of the travelers, Thomas Barber, was shot and killed by a Missourian. Now the war had escalated from a standoff to an actual killing.

  Three days before Thomas Barber was killed, on December 3, Sheriff Jones wrote to Governor Shannon, saying that if he did not do something soon, no Missourians would be left to fight the “Wakarusa War.” Volunteers were leaving in droves. The next day, Shannon agreed to meet with members from the Lawrence Committee of Safety. The two men, Camri Babcock and Grosvenor Lowry, said the people of Lawrence wanted peace, but if necessary, they would fight to the death to protect their land and their rights. Shannon responded that he would consider peace if the citizens agreed to surrender their Sharps rifles. Babcock and Lowry made it clear that no one in Lawrence would be willing to do so. Further, if the governor did attack and kill the residents of Lawrence, the word would spread, and the entire country would consider him a murderer.

  Governor Shannon was in a bind, and looking for a way to save face. His “army,” called together to teach the people of Lawrence a lesson, would likely dwindle to nothing in a few days. So, on December 7, he went to Lawrence to meet with Charles Robinson and James Lane to begin serious negotiations to end
the conflict. The governor expressed regrets that a hotheaded Missourian had killed Thomas Barber. He implied that he had been wrong to call in the pro-slavery militia, and he made it clear he wanted peace. The next day, both sides negotiated a treaty to end the conflict, and on December 9, it was read to the public. Each party assumed some responsibility, but Robinson insisted on including a sentence at the end stating “that we wish it understood that we do not herein express any opinion as to the validity of the enactments of the Territorial Legislature.”100

  Following the announcement of peace, the citizens of Lawrence and free-state supporters from the region—an estimated eight hundred in all—celebrated the victory at the Free State Hotel. Although still under construction, this was the largest building in Lawrence. They even invited Sheriff Jones to attend; he did, and he impressed the women with his courtliness. To almost anyone who was paying attention, the free-state residents of Kansas had won a clear victory. Even southern, pro-slavery sympathizers grudgingly conceded that the antislavery forces had won. Round one in “Bleeding Kansas” went to the free-state side.

  On December 16, the community gathered to bury Thomas Barber. Charles Robinson gave the eulogy and John Greenleaf Whittier composed a poem to honor Barber. Even with the honors paid to Thomas Barber as an innocent martyr for the free-state cause, and even with the euphoria over the victory, Governor Shannon, the pro-slavery territorial legislature, and the territorial appointed officials were still in power. The eyes of the country were on Kansas, and many wondered what would happen next.101

  The warmth of the victory in the Wakarusa War was blunted by the bitterly cold weather that gripped Lawrence and Kansas in late December 1855. Sara Robinson reported that on December 22, the weather was warm and pleasant, but later in the day, the temperature started plummeting and it started to snow. By the 24th, it had dropped to −17 degrees, and on Christmas Day, the temperature dropped further to between −20 and −30 degrees. Everything froze solid and had to be thawed on the stove. Writing was impossible because the ink froze. She was concerned that some of the poorer folks in and around Lawrence whose houses had thin walls and dirt floors would suffer or freeze.102

  As the year 1855 drew to a close, Lawrence could look back at its short history and see tremendous progress. The town continued to grow. New businesses were springing up almost everywhere. They had stared down the Missourians and had won the Wakarusa War. Maybe now the future of Lawrence would be secure, with no more threats from the pro-slavery forces.

  6 The Fabian Policy is the True One

  FOLLOWING THE WAKARUSA WAR, IN part because of the bitterly cold weather, and in part because the pro-slavery faction was licking its wounds and regrouping, things were quiet in Lawrence for a couple of months. Charles Robinson would later reflect on the situation: “As the ‘smoke of battle’ cleared away,” he wrote, “an opportunity was offered to take a calm and unbiased survey of the field and ascertain the gain or loss to respective fields. One item on the side of gain [for the free-state Kansans]” was that Governor Shannon could now more realistically gauge the situation. Up until this point, Shannon had viewed the free-state side as “a set of anarchists, made up of the off-scouring of the land, ready to overthrow any and all government that might stand in their way.” On the other hand, his view of the pro-slavery side was that they “were but little, if any, lower than the angels.” After the Wakarusa War, the governor now understood that the free-state “men were under complete control, and that no outrage … [could] drive them to take a false or untenable position. On the contrary, the pro-slavery men were desperate and ungovernable characters, determined to accomplish their purposes though the Government and heavens should fall.”103

  In late December 1855, Sheriff Jones returned to Lawrence to arrest Samuel Wood and Samuel Tappan for their involvement in rescuing Mr. Branson. They were arraigned, released, and returned to Lawrence.104 Also on December 15, 1855, residents were offered the opportunity to vote on the Free-State Party’s Topeka Constitution. Since neither the territorial governor nor the territorial legislature sanctioned the constitution, or even the Free-State Party, this action was illegal. Undaunted, the Free-State Party went ahead with the vote and asked the populace two questions. On the question of whether the territory should adopt the constitution, the vote was 1,731 for and 46 against. On the second question, proposed and pushed by James Lane in the constitutional convention, on whether or not to allow free blacks to live in Kansas, the people voted 1,287 against the admission of blacks to 453 who voted to allow their admission. This was a bitter pill for Charles Robinson since he not only favored welcoming free blacks into Kansas, he also advocated that blacks and women should be allowed to vote in future elections. He was a politician, though, and could see that this might damage Lane’s future political ambitions.105

  Later in December, the Free-State Party held a nominating convention for “state” offices. As with the vote on the Topeka Constitution, this action of the Free-State Party was illegal. James Lane told two potential candidates he planned to throw his support to them, but instead he threw his own hat into the ring for governor. He was nominated, as was Charles Robinson. Lane could feel the tide shifting toward stronger abolitionist waters, and, according to Robinson, became “the most radical of radicals,” which compelled the real radicals “to put on the brakes to prevent a political wreck.” For his part, Robinson later said he was not interested in seeking the governorship, but since Lane’s name was on the ballot, he wanted to defeat him.

  At the end of 1855 and the beginning of 1856, the residents of Lawrence had reasons to feel optimistic about the future. They had won the Wakarusa War, and for the time being, at least, there were no threats from the pro-slavery side. George Brown reflected optimism that Lawrence’s recent troubles were over in his Herald of Freedom. He moved his offices and his newspaper and printing operations into a new building. In a little over a year, Lawrence had one thousand residents. Businesses, such as a carriage shop, a tailor, a barber, several doctors, dentists, and lawyers, as well as several construction companies, were doing well. Advertisements in the Herald had grown,106 including the one for Mr. Hutchinson’s new Emporium, which offered merchandise comparable to that found in the finest stores on Broadway in New York, at prices only a fraction higher. Mr. Faxon had recently opened a new meat market. Mail service was expanded from Lawrence to Westport, Missouri, and Mr. Emory, the new contract mail carrier, would be carrying mail in new stagecoaches that were comfortable and pulled by young, healthy horses. The service would expand to Leavenworth later that year. Finally, Child, Pratt, and Company, the largest hardware and cutlery company in the West, based in St. Louis, wanted to expand its business in Kansas, offering quick delivery of its goods to the residents of Lawrence.107

  George Brown also reflected on Lawrence’s cultural and spiritual progress. Residents had established an athenaeum, filled with books donated by Amos Lawrence and others as a cultural center; there were two schools, supported by the community using the finest educational materials then available; and land was reserved for a college. In addition to Plymouth Church, people in the community could worship in a Methodist, a Baptist, or a Unitarian church.108

  Sara Robinson also marveled at the progress of construction in the town. “Many houses are going up,” she wrote. “Men are digging at the quarries above us, and teams continually going up and down both sides of [our] house for buildings in town…. Large stone buildings, which would be an ornament to any place, are fast being erected,” she continued, “while buildings of humble pretensions, of wood and stone, are springing up with a rapidity almost equaling the wonderful genius of Aladdin. We can count already fifty dwellings erected since we came; and the little city … will, in intelligence, refinement, and moral worth, compare most favorably with many New England towns of six times its number of inhabitants.”109 Sara was particularly pleased that her “house [was] at last complete…. [It was built] is entirely of black walnut; the finish, doors
, window-casings, and mantels, of the same, all nicely polished. The paper of white satin, with a neat flower, in one room, while pretty wood-colors, in rosebuds and leaves, cover other walls, and give the whole a pleasing contrast.”110

  The Emigrant Aid Company had promised investments in the town’s infrastructure, and late in 1854, Samuel Pomeroy arranged for the purchase of a used steam-powered sawmill for Lawrence. It was disassembled from Westport, Missouri, transported to Lawrence, reassembled, and in operation by December. Joseph Savage, one of the early settlers, noted that the mill was “well-nigh worn out,” was “a rickety, leaky old thing” that required constant maintenance. He thought it was a terrible investment, but it was better than nothing.111

  Even if it were in great shape, the mill would not have been able to meet the needs of the residents because the Emigrant Aid Company had committed two-thirds of all the lumber produced toward the construction of the Free State Hotel. By June 1855, two additional mills were nearly operational, but with the building boom, the Herald and the Kansas Free State both reported that the town needed many more mills to meet the demand.112 Lumber was readily available and substantially cheaper from numerous mills in Kansas City and other towns on the Missouri River. The problem was transportation. Lawrence’s founders located their town on the Kansas River, thinking that for the foreseeable future, this waterway would be sufficient for transporting goods to and from their community. They soon realized that under the very best of circumstances, the Kansas River was not navigable during much of the year, and under drought conditions, it was unnavigable year-round. Lawrence was experiencing a building boom, but structures could have been erected more quickly and more efficiently if lumber was more readily available at more reasonable prices.113