The Valkyrie Option

by Markus Reichardt

  'There is a possibility that they are waiting for a signal from us.' It was Leber, the Social Democrat, who had been his party’s spokesperson on military matters before Hitler’s ascent to power. His long face and high forehead accentuated the dark eyebrows as he locked eyes with Goerdeler. He and Stauffenberg had already forged a friendship as conspirators and Leber had been instrumental in persuading many in the Widerstand that at best Germany could hope to preserve her territorial integrity under allied occupation. Holding onto areas such as Alsas-Lorraine or even Austria which Hitler had annexed in 1938 would be a pipedream.

  'Via our embassy in Stockholm we have put out feelers to them, but we will discuss that in a moment. Continue Feldmarschall.' Goerdeler's voice signalled that this was not the moment for discussion.

  'In the Balkans our forces amount to 12 Divisions most of which are engaged in fighting the Yugoslav Communist Partisans who hold large stretches of territory. As a gesture of our good faith we have suspended all executions of captured partisans and all punitive raids for the moment. This applies in Yugoslavia and all across occupied Europe.' There were some approving nods around the table. Clearly this gesture appealed to the civilians.

  In Italy the Gothic Line is stable and holding. There are 24 Divisions. In Scandinavia there are another four hundred thousand troops including the 12 Mountain Army withdrawing from northern Finland plus substantial naval forces.

  In Normandy the British and American forces have broken out of the original beachhead and taken the Cotentin. They are presently being held along a line of Caen, St. Lo and Lessay. That front is a weak one and we have every reason to believe that the Americans are planning a breakout in the next few days. Our commanders in the field are not certain they can contain that breakout.

  He paused again almost waiting to be challenged. Curiously no-one did even though the word commanders was a bit of a misnomer. One of his first actions had been to call Rommel and formally hand command of the western theatre to him. Field Marschall von Kluge who until the last minute had not committed himself had been relieved of duty and asked to stand by for further instructions. It was Rommel with his reputation that was needed to hold things together in France.

  'We have brought the war at sea to an end. Our submarines and our surface ships have received instructions to stand down and where possible return to German bases. Some of them have yet to acknowledge receipt of the message but we will continue to broadcast it until all have responded. Grand Admiral Dönitz has been relieved of his duties and replaced by Vice Admiral von Friedeburg. There were approving nods. Dönitz though a decent soldier had been late convert to Hitler but recently a dedicated, even fanatical follower.

  'To conclude our forces are in retreat in the East but so far holding everywhere else. We have 9 million men mobilized. Military production, in ammunition, tanks and planes is, thanks to Armaments Minister Speer's efforts higher than at any time since the beginning of the war. The Wehrmacht now has the opportunity to fight without Hitler's 'Stand and Die' orders We can use this opportunity and these resources to buy time for a political settlement.

  'How do you intend to do that, Feldmarschall?' Leber had not been happy with von Witzleben's appointment. This man was the old guard, the conservatives; Prussian junkers determined to preserve the interests of the officer class and their estates in East Prussia. But Beck and Stauffenberg had argued that the crusty old Fieldmarschall commanded the respect of the officer corps and so he had gone along. Still, Leber was determined that from the start the civilians would rule the cabinet rather than an officer clique. This was about ending the war not creating new ways for the generals to cover themselves in glory. 'How do we use the Wehrmacht to make peace with the Allies? '

  Von Witzleben cast Leber a stern glance but a reassuring nod from Beck was all he needed. 'We have one advantage over the Allies. In Scandinavia, Italy and France we have no territorial interests. So withdrawing our forces from these theatres will give us a strategic reserve of somewhere between half a million to a million troops.'

  'You haven't mentioned the Eastern Front or the Balkans Feldmarschall.' Leber did not like where this was leading. Before the coup the military men had assured him that peace feelers had been put out to all the Allies. von Witzleben seemed to be leading them into a situation where they would go on fighting the Russians regardless.

  Sensing Leber's fear, Beck stepped in. 'As we speak Count von der Schulenburg, a former Ambassador to Moscow, is on route via Sweden to meet with representatives of the Russian leadership about a possible arrangement. We know that very in 1942 and 1943 this was where Stalin put out his very gentle feelers when he was sounding out Hitler about peace. As for the western allies, local ceasefires have been arranged by most of the commanders in France. Tomorrow Feldmarschall Rommel will meet with the Allied Commanders, in particular Field Marshall Montgomery, to begin negotiations about an armistice. I am personally more optimistic about Rommel's chances than those of Schulenburg but the attempt has to be made. We will not make unreasonable demands on the Russians to secure an armistice from them.'

  'I do not share your reservations about the Russians.' Leber was in full swing now. 'Yesterday Radio Free Germany was full of praises for our success. Russian stations were somewhat more measured but also generally positive. This morning they appealed to all Wehrmacht troops to support our new government. What I would like to know is, what are we offering the Allies?'

  Beck was stone-faced. 'Rommel will offer a phased withdrawal from French, Belgian and Dutch soil as well as from Scandinavia and Italy. '

  'Are we offering the Russians the same ?' It was Leuschner the other Social Democrat in the cabinet. Less of a firebrand than Leber.

  'In a way, yes. There are very few areas of Soviet soil on which Wehrmacht troops still operate. So Schulenburg will propose an in situ ceasefire and armistice with negotiations about territorial claims, reparations and other issues at a later stage.'

  'And the Balkans, surely the Greeks would like to rid of our troops just as much as the French.'

  von Witzleben cut in immediately. This was a military matter and he was not yielding to civilian control just that easily. 'Our continued presence in the Balkans in largely dependent on what deal we arrive at with the Russians. If Stalin accepts our proposals then we would be out of the Balkans just as fast as Scandinavia or France. It would then be up to our former Allies to come to some accommodation with the Russians.'

  Leuschner had not been intimately involved with all the peace proposal details. 'There isn't much we can offer the Russians right now. I accept that. But isn't there something we can throw in the ring that will get their attention. I mean there is the issue of Poland. In 1939 Stalin was very happy to take the eastern half that Hitler offered him on a plate. He was also very happy to swallow up the Baltic states. The British went to war over Poland and the Americans as far as I can tell never recognized the Soviet annexation of the Baltics. There has to be something we have that he wants and is prepared to deal over. President Roosevelt is up for re-election in 3 month time; can he ignore the interests of Americans of Baltic and Polish descent ?'

  The consummate politician. Stauffenberg could not suppress a smile. The problem was not what Germany could still offer the Russians. The question was whether the Russians or even the western Allies would be interested in even dealing with the new government.

  'Yes the British went to war over Poland. ' von Witzleben was clearly hot under the collar. Like most German generals he had limited experience and even less interest in arguing with politicians. 'Therefore Stalin cannot simply drop the restoration of the Polish state from the agenda. Far more significant is that a Communist Poland or a Soviet-controlled Poland will be a threat to us at some point in the future.'

  'I prefer to deal with the here and now. Feldmarschall.' Goerdeler cut short the debate. ' I suggest we await developments tomorrow. Who knows Rommel and von Schulenburg might bring us good news.'

  'Yes Chancellor.'
von Witzleben straightened bowed slightly and sat down. Stauffenberg was relieved - the crusty old Fieldmarshall had scored a major point by being one of the first to acknowledge Goerdeler's new position.

  'There is one issue I need clarity on, Chancellor.' Leber had taken von Witzleben's cue and leaned forward. He had been a working-class politician all his life and knew exactly that unmentioned issues would come back to haunt people. There were still a few questions for Goerdeler who seemed entirely too comfortable with the military men. 'Hitler's allies, the Italians and Japanese. Will we abrogate our treaties with them? I certainly hope we drop those wretched Italians'. There were emphatic nods from other civilians. Most had not forgiven Italy's betrayal in the Great War; that she had done a repeat performance in this conflict just added to her poor image. The poor performance of most of the Italian troops under Rommel’s command in North Africa, in Russia and their own country had not escaped notice either. Even Goebbels propaganda machine had made hardly any effort to hide this. No, the spagetti-munchers, as they were known derogatorily could be done without.

  'Yes' Beck nodded ' Chancellor Goerdeler and I are in agreement that they are on their own. The Fascist Republic Hitler set up for Mussolini has no value or purpose for us. And ideologically it is our enemy. I intend recognizing the new administration in Rome instead. As soon as we can we will inform Tokyo of our withdrawal from the 'Pact of Steel'. What happens in the Pacific right now is really not among my priorities. Are we agreed on that ?' There were no objections, few had ever had any reason to dislike the Japanese but even Hitler had sometimes struggled to find more common ground with Tokyo than mere animosity towards the USA.

  'What about the Romanians, Hungarians and Finns ?' Like most Europeans, Leber, had a soft spot for the Finns who as a country of less than 5 million had defied and beaten the Red Army for months before being crushed by sheer numbers in the 1940 Winter War. They had joined in Hitler's assault on Russia but with very limited territorial objectives.

  'Well obviously we will not enforce any treaty obligations on them anymore, unless Stalin decides to continue the war. Then each one of them will have to be handled individually. In theory they have even more reason to hate and fear the Russians but that’s not really insurance.' Goerdeler paused, Leber had inadvertently handed him a major victory by raising a matter on which there was general agreement. 'There are of course a few special cases such as the various fascist militias which Hitler raised in the Balkans and Eastern Europe, the Cossacks who followed our forces back from the Caucasus and the foreign volunteers in the ranks of the Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS. None of them is critical to our core interests, and I would suggest we await to response from London, Washington and Moscow before deciding anything. I would also argue that none of the fascist puppets that Hitler set up receive any further material support.'

  'So effectively we are on our own?' It was Leuschner again.

  'Yes Minister,' Goerdeler sighed, 'we are on our own.'

  And with that the meeting turned to domestic matters. Stauffenberg found his attention drifting. His body badly demanded sleep and even his iron will could push only so far. Leuschner and the Catholic Bishop got into an argument about how to deal with the Nazi hierarchy. Someone suggested a show trial in Soviet fashion, the issue of keeping the economy on a war footing came up and he dimly remembered supporting keeping Speer in office and his structures intact. This provoked outrage from Leber and the Protestant pastor. Speer aware of his shaky position kept to technical matters which lost everyone.

  Stauffenberg sighed inwardly. Some of the civilians had already been bickering as they entered the room. He knew that the only common policy which bound these diverse men together was a negative, rather than a positive one: they all desired the end of Hitler's rule, but each remained motivated by different reasons in that desire. And each was associated with that failed political experiment called the Weimar Republic which born out of the injustice of the Versailles peace treaty, had made Hitler possible. If they had not learnt to change the style of their bickering, he knew most of the officer corps would soon opt for military dictatorship.

  Goerdeler and Bolz, a former leader of the Catholic Center Party, as well as a former state President of the state of Wurttemberg, who had been given the portfolio Education and Information had hoped that by destroying National Socialism they would be able to re-establish a parliamentary democracy of some kind. Both accepted the need for reform away from the fractious politics of Weimar but were not open to abandoning the vested interests that had ruled and indeed divided Weimar Germany for so long. Would they be able to create such a system? As the Count's attention drifted in and out of the debate he had his doubts.

  Leber and Witzleben crossed swords over the issue of unconditional surrender, whether a peace treaty should include provisions for reparations and the trial of war criminals, but the Colonel’s mind was elsewhere. The Churches would be a positive influence, a counterbalance to any military ambitions to continue the war if peace terms were insufficiently generous. The intellectuals who were represented by the young von Molkte were divided and ineffectual, of high social standing but removed from the people. Their main contribution would be to stimulate debate in government, network with the elites in other countries and rekindle the democratic spirit when peace finally came. The big question would be the Left. It was clear that the Communists were in disarray, so badly riddled with Gestapo infiltrators that they were barely capable of receiving Stalin's directives. But they could still be a disruptive force, especially in Berlin and cities like Hamburg. That, the young Colonel decided was out of his hands - that was up to Josef Stalin.

  Everything hinged on the meeting between Rommel and the Allied Commanders and Schulenburg's reception in Moscow, if he even got that far. While the arguments went back and forth across the table Stauffenberg went over every detail of Rommel’s and Schulenburg's mission. One soldier, one civilian diplomat. It was apt that Germany's future lay in the hands of two so diverse men.

  Adam von Trott, passed him a note.' Claus they are all missing the point here.’ Stauffenberg glanced across the table at his friend and confidant. With his impossibly high balding forehead and his piercing eyes, Adam von Trott looked every bit the upper class intellectual he was. He was moreover the conspirator’s principal foreign policy expert and a great advocate of some form of rapprochement with Russia, but not necessarily the Soviet Union.

  ‘They are arguing about peace treaties as if they will participate as an unbeaten nation. I think it is vital that this meeting explicitly that we will not be sitting in those negotiations as equals. Goerdeler acknowledged this before why isn't he doing it now?'

  Ever since the war had ended the opportunities for other conspirators to travel, Adam with his foreign ministry job had been the principal point of contact with foreign circles. He and Stauffenberg had grown very close over the past months. Stauffenberg knew that due to his youth, Adam would not be able to carry to much weight the conservatives if he proposed controversial ideas. He also knew how to put his friends concerns - with which he did not entirely agree - on the table.

  'Chancellor have we given either Schulenburg or Rommel any negotiating mandate ? This may be premature for the moment but we will certainly need to develop positions.' He had barely ended his sentence when Leber, leapt in.

  'Certainly any mandate either negotiating team would get would have to come from this group, Chancellor?' Both Goerdeler and Beck were momentarily off-guard. ' Well .. yes. Yes .. of course.

  Sensing his opening, Leber transformed himself into Stauffenberg's battering ram. 'Then may I suggest a motion that a committee be formally constituted that could work out these positions and present them to this cabinet.' There were nods from around the table. Politicians understood such terms.

  'And how do you propose to constitute this committee, surely the military would have to represented ?' von Witzleben did not mean this to be a question.'

  Before Leber could respond, Adam
took his cue. ' Gentlemen, if I may. The terms that we will end up negotiating with our opponents will be in many ways the foundations around which we will be able to shape the future of our people, possibly all of Europe. It is the most critical question that we face. May I therefore suggest that President Beck chair the committee, and that a member of the church, civil society and the military also be on it. I humbly offer my services as an advisor to this committee.'

  Goerdeler cast a mischievous look around the table: 'Alas it seems the old ways of politics are coming back - we have not sat in conference for more than an hour and already we have a cabinet sub-committee. What next? a task force or a commission?

  Adam's proposal was accepted by all once Leber and von Witzleben had gotten themselves onto it. Goerdeler who was concerned about getting out into the state apparatus and consolidating their hold, then broke up the meeting after von Witzleben wrung support from the civilians for the central tenet of his current strategy: all possible troops based in Scandinavia and most of those on the Balkans and in the French hinterland would be transferred to the east to stem the Soviet tide.

  8am 22st July

  along the River Dvina, east of Daugav’pils/Dünaburg

  forward command center 66 Army, 1st Baltic Front

  Ivan Borzov commander of the 74th Katyusha (BM-13) Regiment jumped out of his American-built jeep and headed for the group of tents of his army command. After having his papers checked by a group of intimidating guards, he was allowed to proceed towards the small group tents leaning against the side of the large wooden barn. He had driven most of the night and his rather weary appearance on this overcast morning did not impress the guards, nor for that matter his superiors.