For most of the day their advance had taken them through forested countryside, across clearings thick with wildflowers, past wooden farmsteads sheltering at the edge of the thick woodlands that covered Byelorussia and Lithuania. But now, out of the shelter of the trees the sun was merciless. Georgi regretted not having stopped among the trees where there was shelter for his men, but that had not been his decision. Divisional command had drawn a line along a little stream that ran across the lush green meadow and it was here that First Battalion would stop and hold for the day. He scratched his day-old stubble and reached for his water bottle. Around him many of his men did the same. The water was warm and tepid but it helped.
Since the beginning of the Bagraton offensive on June 22nd his men, like nearly a million other Russian soldiers, had fought their westward, clearing German forces out of Byelorussia and occupying eastern Poland and eastern Lithuania. On a front of more than 500 kilometers Russian forces had advanced as much as 250 kilometers. By now they had moved into Poland, Latvia and Lithuania. Warsaw, Kaunas, and the German border lay within reach. And while their momentum still carried them forward, they had simply outrun their supply system. Food and ammunition were getting scarce. Rummaging through his bag, Georgi found that he lacked even the material to repair his footwear.
His adjutant, footsore like the rest of them, his green uniform shirt dark with sweat approached and saluted. ‘Comrade Captain, skirmish line in place across the stream. Shall we dig in for the night?’
Georgi smiled at the young lieutenant. ‘No let them rest. In an hour contact divisional HQ again to see what their plans are. If they keep us here beyond tomorrow morning then we can still dig trenches. Just make sure everyone does a fair share of sentry duty.’
The adjutant looked surprised. Gubkin was known for his faith in the thirteenth commandment: “It is better to dig 10 meters of trenches than a 3 metre grave.” [36] But they had not encountered any organised German resistance, let alone a counter-attack for nearly a week. A veteran of Stalingrad and Kursk, Gubkin had developed a sixth sense for danger. There was no danger here, only a demoralised enemy whose forces were on the run. With luck they would chase them all the way into Berlin by the end of the year.
As it turned out Gubkin’s instincts had been right. With less than an hour of sunlight left he and his unit were ordered to advance another 3 kilometers to take up a position on a hillcrest overlooking the main road west from Vilnius to Lithuania’s second city Kaunas. The only thing they saw on that road were advancing T-34s.
* * * * *
No matter how this conflict will end, England has lost its traditional role in the struggle for a favourable balance of power on the continent. The question is no longer whether by this fierce struggle the old balance of power will be maintained or restored. Rather it is about who at the end of the battle will rule as the primary power in Europe. Either the European family of nations, represented by her strongest state, or the Bolshevik colossus.
Adolf Hitler 30 January 1944
“Winston Churchill rallied all free people to halt the rampaging dictatorships against enormous odds and even despair – yet he was the most pragmatic of leaders, with his gaze fixed on the future long before others were prepared to face it”.
J. Robert Moskin, Mr Truman’s Wars
22 July
Whitehall, London
Alan Brooke settled uncomfortably into his chair in the Prime Minister's office. It had been a gruelling flight back in miserable weather. But while the wind had made the trip thoroughly unpleasant for everyone else it had been the least of the CIGS's worries. Despite the light-hearted banter he had made at Monty’s HQ after Rommel's departure, he knew that the German withdrawal one way or the other could present massive problems for the Alliance precisely because they were an Alliance whose partners - even if you left aside the Russians and the minor partners - had far more difference in their war aims than they cared to admit. It was not his Prime Minister's views he was dreading arguing with but those of the Commander of SHAEF, the chain-smoking American General Dwight D Eisenhower, now ensconced in the other chair in front of his bosses desk. A professional soldier through and through, the strict puritan Brooke had seen his share of combat, Eisenhower had not, had never commanded units of any size. Rather he was to the CIGS's thinking no real director of thought, plans or direction; just a co-ordinator a good mixer, too easily distracted by women and golf, a champion of inter-Allied co-operation, but no more.[37] And in Brooke's darker moments barely a soldier.
Had he been slightly more objective, Brooke might have admitted to himself that his judgement was somewhat clouded by the thought that Eisenhower occupied the position he thought should have been rightfully his. When Eisenhower had first appeared on the scene he had been an unknown staff officer from the United States War Department with a good link to the US Chief of Staff George Marshall. Eisenhower had come to the United Kingdom in 1942 not as an experienced battlefield commander but as Marshall’s man sent to prepare the place for him as the probable Supreme Allied Commander for the cross-channel invasion. From his position in London Eisenhower had naturally been manoeuvred by Marshall and Roosevelt into the command position in North Africa. Here he and his green American troops had been trashed rather visibly by Rommel before the sheer weight of numbers overwhelmed the Afrikakorps. But Eisenhower had brought back from his North African campaign something more valuable, the willingness of British commanders such as Tedder, Alexander and Cunnigham to serve under him, when they could have easily have reversed the situation. The political complexities of the North African and later the Italian campaign had shown Eisenhower in his best light and when finally even Brooke had accepted that due to the preponderance of US forces in the allied war effort, the Supreme Commander should be an American, Marshall had stepped back and Eisenhower had been appointed. A military diplomat, not a commander. But they needed him and so Brooke kept his peace.
Eisenhower, whose health and nerves had taken a serious beating in the months leading up to the Normandy landing was chain smoking furiously. The tension emanating from him had already engulfed Churchill who trying to defuse what was bound to be a difficult session lent back lit a cigar and said ' ...Why don't you start at the beginning so that we can all work with the same facts.' Brooke shot Eisenhower a venomous glance no doubt one of the American officers had gotten to him in time on the wireless trans-channel line and with what was bound to be a one-sided version of events. There were few American officers who, especially after the failure of the GOODWOOD offensive, had any time for Montgomery. The events in Monty’s tent today would be just the kind of thing that, coming on top of GOODWOOD, they would need to call for his resignation. The problem was that Eisenhower was among them. The tee-totalling, anti-smoking Montgomery lacked the social skills to build a relationship with Eisenhower. Brooke had often implored his friend to attempt to build a better relationship with the American but it had not happened due what others argued was to Monty’s obsessive conceited nature. He took a deep breath and began to talk. No one interrupted for 20 minutes.
'So in your estimation where does that leave us? I must admit I rather like Rommel's style. He has managed to pull quite a surprise out of the hat.' Churchill was giving him an opening to set the tone. 'Is there more to their proposal or do we take it at face value?'
'Indeed a surprise, but delivered by a straightforward soldier, Prime Minister, ' Brooke felt some of the tension leaving him, 'but I caution against reading too much into the event itself. No papers were signed. The Germans passed on a list of their proposals and their new cabinet and stated their belief that the Casablanca terms did not apply to their new administration.... As intended, we kept this as a meeting between soldiers ostensibly discussing local armistice or ceasefire details.' And with a venomous voice he added: "and despite some people's theatrics we managed to keep it that way.'
'With all due respect, Sir,' Ike's voice was strained,' I believe that a matter of substance, a ceas
efire allowing the Germans to retreat unhindered out of France was indeed discussed. Whether we will apply the terms of unconditional surrender or not to the new lot in Berlin is still to be decided. However I do not at this stage see any reason for us not to do so. ' He paused looking at Churchill in whose face a storm was brewing ' However, it was the President and yourself who decided upon this policy and the decision obviously rests with you.' It was a concession, but only just.
'Yes, indeed Prime Minister, but again I caution against seeing the discussion as an agreement.' Brooke looked straight at Churchill trying to hide from Eisenhower the venom in his eyes. ' The Germans made a proposal which allows us to achieve our war aims for this year with virtually no further loss of life if we choose to take them up on their offer. In fact they have gone a step further and placed the ball in our court. I understand from Field Marshall Montgomery that there are already the first signs that they mean business about that withdrawal.'
'Did I understand you correctly, ... , that this withdrawal is not limited to France, but also includes Scandinavia, the Balkans and Italy.? ' Churchill toyed with his cigar as he often did when he was leading up to something.
'They were a bit vague on the Balkans Sir. That's because they believe they need them to hold the southern flank against Russia. However they have offered to be out of Italy in less than two months. Once we have liberated France and all of Italy then extending our presence into the Balkans would not be too difficult. '
'I see. ' that was all the Prime Minister was willing to say. For a moment the room was silent. With the breakout of the Normandy beachhead now certain, the defeat of Germany one way or the other could not be long delayed. With that in mind the Prime Minister was casting his mind to post-war prospects. And he - like Brooke - was profoundly concerned about the threat to western interests that could be posed by a triumphant Soviet Union. The Russians were well placed to seize and maintain control of Eastern and Central Europe by virtue of the territory that was likely to fall to the advancing Army before the end of the year, before Germany was finally defeated. With the initiative firmly on their side he doubted whether Joseph Stalin would even bother to differentiate between Hitler and the new government; he simply had too much to gain. The way to protect British and he believed Western interests would be for American and British forces in Italy to accelerate their move up the Italian peninsula cross the Alps through the Ljubljana Gap in northern Yugoslavia, push into Austria and establish a real presence in the Balkans before Staling could take the entire region. So far the Americans, Eisenhower and US Chief of Staff George Marshall in particular, had resisted him. They had kept their sights on Normandy and the subsequent invasion of southern France -Operation Anvil - in which the British were to play virtually no role. He and Eisenhower had repeatedly clashed over Anvil with him ending up accusing the American of 'bullying Britain' and trying to play the big strong and dominating partner in the Alliance.[38] Here was a potential opportunity to change strategy.
Eisenhower sensing where this was going and unwilling to be drawn yet again, on matters he had no mandate, cut in. 'What I am not so sure about, Prime Minister, is this ceasefire issue.' He shifted in his chair. ' But if I were Rommel I'd be telling the world that Monty, Britain's most famous general has just granted him a ceasefire under which he can stage an orderly withdrawal. I am deeply concerned what all the information at my disposal that Field Marshall Montgomery did not close that option to him at this time. '
'I repeat General Eisenhower, no ceasefire was agreed upon 'Brooke was getting angry as well as tired 'Only a proposal submitted. A proposal I believe would be discussed within SHAEF, within Cabinet here and in Washington. Or are you suggesting' his voice took on an edge' that we blissfully continue military operations without stopping to at least consider the implications political and military of events in Berlin.'
'But the Germans you say already show signs of withdrawing, of acting as if the bloody thing were in place? Right? If Montgomery has in any way exceeded his authority, then...'
'Then what General Eisenhower ?' Brooke's tone was ice. 'May I remind you that I was at that meeting and you were not. If Montgomery had exceeded his authority as a commander then surely I would have noticed, or not.'
Eisenhower held his stare for a second but then back off. 'No disrespect implied General Brooke, but I am still worried about what the Germans will..'
'The Germans will await our decision.' Churchill ended the argument. 'Whether they withdraw somewhat in the meantime is immaterial or at best to our advantage.'
Eisenhower was not quite willing to let it rest. 'Fact is that they offered to withdraw and are most likely doing so already. Unless we continue our operations against them we will be seen to be de facto agreeing with them. I doubt the Russians would like it very much.'
'Regardless, ' he went on,' preparations for Operation Cobra must continue.' After Montgomery's failure to break the German line the Americans and Eisenhower in particular attached great expectations to this.
'That would only be prudent General. As for the Russians, it would be a matter of explaining the situation to them, General Eisenhower but this is all academic.' Brooke felt on safe ground here. 'I believe that you have all the facts you need to brief the President and his advisors on the matter. Given its extraordinary nature I suggest that we not prejudge the situation before all who should have had an opportunity to consider it.'
'Is there a deadline to this?’ asked Eisenhower.
'Not as far as I can see. I think that the Wehrmacht will be withdrawing anyway and it is really up to us to decide whether we will let them do so in peace or not.' Alan Brooke sincerely hoped that Churchill had picked up the key word. I am sure that once the weather permits us to do so we should mount and maintain a serious reconnaissance effort.'
'Very well gentlemen. Thank you' Churchill tried to end the meeting once more.' I think we all have some serious thinking to do. General Eisenhower, I view of the extraordinary circumstances may I offer you the personal phone line so that you may contact the President faster and can respond to any immediate questions. Personally I believe time is of the essence, if only to ensure that we do not create uncertainty among the alliance partners.'
When Eisenhower had left for the office with the transatlantic line, Churchill turned to his CIGS '.... ‘You have a view on this already Alan. Why don't you make your case to me before we get the others in on this.' He leaned forward the cigar pointing 'But the first thing I want to know is did that prima donna Montgomery exceed his authority? Did he do anything stupid'
Brooke had defended Montgomery against Churchill's tirades too often to rise to the bait again. 'No Prime Minister categorically not! It may be said that the Desert Fox took him, and I might add me and everyone else in the tent, by surprise with the details of his proposals. I must say the reference to the need to save the lives of the soldiers under his command was masterful and I'd dearly like to make the man who told German intelligence that little piece sweat. But Montgomery did nothing to limit our future options. Curiously I have to admit that Monty displayed a humanity many of us thought him incapable of.' Without Eisenhower in the room Alan Brooke could speak more feely. Suddenly all the thoughts that had whirled around in his head on the flight back came together. There had been three injured youngsters on the flight and one of them had started bleeding all over again. By the time they had touched down in England he had slipped into a coma. The soldier Brooke made an impassioned plea for peace.
'Since D-Day our armies have been stuck in the bocage. That is six weeks and we are behind our schedule. We have lost nearly 40 000 men. Men which you know we are struggling to replace and have been struggling since before D-Day. If the Kingdom is to have an army and sufficient workers after the war to remain a great power we cannot continue significant future losses on this scale for very much longer; not unless there are real tangible rewards for that effort. Our manpower is already at its limit, already we cannot carry on this confli
ct without Commonwealth troops such as the Canadians unless we wish to become the junior partner in terms of manpower as well. Soon the use of Polish and French units will be a dire necessity rather than a political expediency.
I know COBRA is planned for later this week and offers great promise of breaking the German front where it is weakest - at the base of the Cotenin. But I must stress that it only offers that prospect, it does not guarantee it. What Rommel has said means that holding ground means almost nothing to him. How can we fight an enemy with that flexibility, a Rommel under those conditions. It would be North Africa all over again but this time with an Afrikakorps four times the size.'
Brooke took a deep breath for his next statement would be as a soldier rather than as a CIGS. 'As a soldier Rommel spoke for many of us when he stressed the need to prevent further bloodshed. I feel an obligation to them, an obligation which made Monty perhaps show himself as human as he's ever going to let anyone see him....And he is right we can achieve our war aims for this year by Christmas without more bloodshed. I know those eager for glory such as Patton who felt upstaged by Monty in Sicily and Eisenhower, who I may remind you has not been in combat may not feel that sensitivity.'
He paused but Churchill did not interject. 'There will be the argument that we are letting the Germans get away to fight another day, I doubt that that day they would stand against us. As long as they withdraw, and we can dictate, well almost dictate the terms of that withdrawal, we will be able to fill the political and military vacuum left by them at our pace. ...and that is not merely in France, Prime Minister.'
Churchill smiled 'You noticed that too. Trust the Americans to miss such simple geo-strategic issues. I doubt it will even come up in the discussion between Eisenhower and the President. It certainly would not come from Eisenhower.'
The Valkyrie Option Page 16
