The Valkyrie Option

by Markus Reichardt

  Noon August 19th

  Paris

  The French column met very little opposition as they charged into their nation’s capital. By noon the tanks of 2e DB were entering the Paris suburb of Fresnes. Here they encountered the first real German resistance. Three Sherman’s were destroyed by well-concealed anti-tank guns before cooler heads prevailed. A ceasefire was arranged and the French tankers wearing American uniforms made contact with the Communist resistance group that had been battling the Wehrmacht garrison. Provided with some assurances, the Germans withdrew and an hour and a half later Leclerc’s tanks continued their advance through a Paris in which street-fighting raged between badly armed resistance gangs bent on revenge and Germans defiantly seeking to extricate themselves with as much loot as possible.

  Guided by the locals the 2e DB tanks used back routes to avoid much of the worst fighting and by 2:30 reached the heart of Paris – the Place de l’Hotel de Ville. Here the Resistance had already triumphed and the president of the National Council of the Resistance, Georges Bidault emotionally embraced the tankers. By late afternoon a secure line of communication had been established and Leclerc’s commanders signalled their General that Paris was about to be liberated by Frenchmen.

  2am August 19th

  The Kremlin

  Stalin was alone in his study while outside a still-blacked-out Moscow slept. Chief of Staff Antonov had delivered the latest news from France; it could no longer be called the western front. The report about Patton’s charge puzzled him. In Stalin’s world generals did not go off on their own, making policy or strategy as they went along. No, in Stalin’s world they followed orders. Sometimes those orders would allow them to use their initiative to exploit a particular situation at the tactical level but they followed orders. The alternative was a firing squad and torture for the relatives. That kept most of his lot in line. But here was Antonov claiming that George Patton, one of the best the Americans seemed to have, had somehow formed a unit larger than an armoured division and headed off to cut off part of the retreating German forces before they could be redeployed against the Red Army. There had to be something here that he was missing. He had called Beria and Molotov and verified that Washington was keeping silent on the matter; as was London. Only Berlin was making something of this story, calling it an unprovoked breach of the truce. Berlin was also quietly still putting out peace feelers.

  The Soviet dictator stared beyond the circle of the desk lamp into the shadow of his office. In his mind his generals were sitting there. Would they have been capable of such an action. No, it was that simple. But the capitalists were different.

  Maybe it was all academic. Patton seemed to have been captured and the Americans – not the British he noted – had lost a division-size mechanised force. Strategically this loss meant nothing, politically it could mean a lot.

  Again he checked the report, it was an American force; no mention of the British. Had Roosevelt quietly sent one of his commanders on a mission to force the British hand; were Anglo-British relations strained enough for such a potentially embarrassing venture. Surely the American leader must have had some hand in the matter. For unless the American army was degenerating into a complete anarchist rabble there must have been some order from above for such a venture. Maybe Roosevelt was trying to send a signal, maybe he was trying to force the British hand… maybe…”

  Stalin closed his eyes and leaned back. A last, quick swig of Vodka. This was not a problem he would solve tonight. Too tired to head for his Spartan sleeping quarters at the Kuntsevo dacha he kicked off his boots and pulled a blanket over himself before falling into deep slumber of the old tobacco-stained sofa.

  While Stalin snored away on his sofa, the TASS news agency issued a communiqué that set forth his position on Poland. Here at last Stalin had let power politics emerge in their naked form.

  In recent days, information has appeared in the foreign press regarding an armed insurrection launched in Warsaw on August 1st on the orders of polish émigrés in London. The leaders of this insurrection declared that they had stayed in contact with the Soviet Command and that Soviet Command had denied them assistance in their fight against their fascist oppressors. TASS is authorised to state that these claims are a foul insult against the Soviet Command. No attempt was made by the polish émigré circle in London to co-ordinate their activities with those of the Soviet Command. This insurrection whose purpose was to have secured the Polish capital for the forces of reaction, came to an end when a ceasefire was declared between the insurrectionists and the fascist forces last week.

  From the start Soviet Command has approached the adventure launched by the polish émigré circles with caution. This caution has now been vindicated. Only two days ago, mercenaries working for the polish émigrés in London chose to attack Soviet air space and troops using British and American planes and operating from German air bases around Warsaw. How these adventurers and the insurrectionists in Warsaw, now allied to the fascists, came by these planes has not been explained by the British and American administrations. The Soviet Air Force under the guidance of Marshall Stalin, reacted immediately and utterly to this new threat. A series of retaliatory attacks were launched against the German air bases on which these renegades were operating. These attacks resulted in the destruction of most of these planes. The Soviet Government and the Government of Poland will seek an explanation from the British and American leaders how this situation was allowed to happen.

  Stalin had decided on the new course forward; the Lublin Committee was now the recognized Government of Poland and any pole seeking to join the Home Army in Warsaw would be treated as an enemy combatant.

  August 20th

  Paris

  He stood on the balcony of the Hotel de Ville overlooking the square that was the center of Paris. Around him members of his staff and leaders of the Resistance jostled for position, but his eyes were on the crowd of Parisians who had turned out in their thousands.

  “Paris! Paris outraged, Paris broken, Paris martyred, but Paris liberated! Liberated by herself, liberated by her people, with the help of the whole of France, that is to say, with the help of ‘la France combattante’ the true France, the eternal France.” As always when he gestured Charles de Gaulle gestured with the entire length of his arms. It would be one of the most emotional speeches he would ever give, but it would also be a fateful one for it marked the beginning of the discord that would plague French politics in the decade following the war. There was no mention of the British or Americans, but that was expected. But the Resistance leaders were angered at the General’s deliberate attempt to praise them only as a part of ‘la France combattante’, essentially relegating them to the internal wing of his exile Government, sweeping aside the reality that the Resistance was home grown and only partly, if ever, controlled by the general’s exile organisation in London. Never a man concerned with exuding warmth and friendship except to those in his immediate entourage, General de Gaulle in that speech made his first serious French enemies.[71]

  August 21st

  Paris

  Parisians came out in their thousands to cheer Charles de Gaulle as ‘The General’ marched down the Champs-Elysees. Holding himself ramrod erect and only briefly waving to the crowds here or there, de Gaulle took in the moment of glory. For him there was no question, the numbers confirmed his authority as unchallenged. He would lead France through reconstruction back to her rightful place of glory as the pre-eminent nation in western Europe. Today he was taking the last steps towards becoming France’s new leader.

  With the adoration of the Parisians seemingly limitless it was difficult to keep in mind that the relationship between his provisional government and the Resistance was still unresolved. At this moment this seemed a small matter, one that he would deal with as he always had, by sheer force of personality and intransigence. Some of his aides were more realistic; they knew that French Communists had rightly suspected during the German Occupation that de Gaulle’s po
licy, aided by the British, was to deform the popular nature of the Resistance and diminish their ability to turn liberation into a true national insurrection that would sweep them to power. Already now as Paris was taking in its first days of liberty, there were already those that claimed that the allies and de Gaulle had held back liberating the city in the hope that the Germans would crush the largely Communist-inspired insurrection. Most knew this to be a shameless attempt to deflect criticism away from the Soviet’s refusal to help the Warsaw Poles, but that did not matter. While Charles de Gaulle was basking in his moment, the battle lines for the political future of France were already being drawn. If de Gaulle and France were to have any say in the post-war European settlement, these battles would need to be deferred for another day while French troops continued alongside the Anglo-Americans towards and eventually into Germany. De Gaulle’s aides knew that that would be unlikely.

  August 21st

  Washington

  Franklin Roosevelt’s day was going from bad to worse. Against the odds he had hoped that Patton’s charge would at the least result in something positive. Patton was after all his most fire-eating general in the European theatre, a professional soldier if America ever had one. He might be politically stupid but the President had hoped that he would pull off a coup of some kind. The advantages were obvious: if they neutralised the German’s ability to retreat orderly out of France it would mean that the Panzers would be left behind and the Wehrmacht would be deprived of the prime of its troops and equipment. Patton had the chance to advance the end of the war by some months. Now this!

  He sat behind his desk, his lower torso almost numb in the wheelchair. … He had gambled and lost. Patton had fouled up and fouled up completely. The initiative had in the meantime moved firmly to the Germans. The US Army’s big name was in hospital, having been returned as a prisoner of war by the retreating Germans. Hundreds of tanks and trucks gone! But that was not the real issue. Although not a military leader, Roosevelt knew full well the effect that this would have on American morale. The already slow pace of advance behind the retreating Germans would slow down even further. American troops would once again fear Germans because even Patton had not managed to beat them. Worse it would give Churchill already rather lacklustre in his efforts to pursue the Wehrmacht another excuse to avoid pushing the Germans. There would be questions about Eisenhower’s control over his generals, over his ability to command. And that would be just the beginning; some Republican would stand up in the House or the Senate and call for an investigation, for hearing etc. Within days this would be at his door. Those talking peace would scream about needless deaths. Well it could not be helped. Patton would get what was coming to him – a court martial.

  He took a deep breath staring at the newspaper reports and the photos of the General’s stretcher being unloaded from a German ambulance. And if that court martial tainted Patton’s boss, well then Eisenhower would just have to be added to the list. With great enthusiasm he picked up the phone to General Marshall to explore to explore alternative commanders to Eisenhower.

  Having spoilt his Chief of Staff’s day with that instruction, he leaned back to receive Admiral Leahy who had asked for a few minutes of his time to discuss some issues around de Gaulle. In part it had been due to Admiral Leahy’s opposition and pro-Vichy attitude that de Gaulle had only gotten to see the President barely a few days before D-Day. The two had not gotten on well; De Gaulle had stood on principle and the need for a strong France to counterbalance what would be great power politics on the continent. He had heard but not taken in a word of the little speech the President had unleashed about the promise of the United Nations. Relations had never been great and now amid the Patton disaster, the tall aloof Frenchman had returned to Paris and conveniently forgotten that his men and tanks ran on American fuel, ammunition and food. The President who always prided himself on his ability to charm people around to something approaching his view had failed with the intransigent Frenchman. As far as Roosevelt was concerned De Gaulle was useful only insofar as he was the focal point of a symbolic military leadership. A leadership that was necessary to rally the quarter of a million Frenchmen in uniform to the allied cause. Beyond that Roosevelt did not see France as a political entity until elections were finally held in the territory. De Gaulle with his aloof manner was a potential fly in the ointment, he might be tempted to assume the role of liberator from which Roosevelt was convinced it would only be a short distance to dictator.

  As he now read his way through the coverage of De Gaulle’s entrance into Paris, his blood pressure surged. Admiral Leahy went away with an instruction to issue a briefing to the press whose contents would later come back to haunt Roosevelt in essence the American President told the Frenchman: France is military occupied territory until elections are held. We did not give you (de Gaulle) our tanks and uniforms so you could install yourself as the local dictator. So kindly let our people take over and await events. It was the wrong message to send and the wrong tone to send it in. It came as a very noticeable cold shower at the end of the victory celebrations in Paris. While the French press erupted into anti-American tirades, the General did what he always did best; he ignored the outsiders view and only issued a brief communiqué that stated that France was in the process of being liberated and that the Provisional Government, his Government was in the process of restoring sovereignty to the land and the people. To the outraged aides begging him for a more direct response to the American ‘insults’, he waved a tired hand: c’est pas necessaire’ (not necessary) was all they could get out of him. But Charles de Gaulle knew what he was doing. French politics were notoriously factitious, but nothing would bring them together like a foreign hatred. Roosevelt, whom de Gaulle despised as an ignorant man despite his ability to speak French, had just given him that.

  Three days later things however started turning ugly when an enraged President belatedly was informed of the Frenchman’s message. ‘He’s calling me a liar,’ Roosevelt hissed to Hopkins who happened to be in the room when Admiral Leahy brought the note. ‘Well let’s see what we can do to make him see reason.’ And despite Hopkins plea for a more reasonable response, Roosevelt sent Leahy off with a direct instruction to forthwith deny French units any form of US military hardware, ‘and that specifically includes fuel’ the President had shouted after the departing Leahy.

  August 21st

  Orleans

  US Third Army Field Hospital,

  George Patton woke with a start. It was dark except for a partly shielded candle in the corner of the cold and damp room. It took Patton more than a minute to recognize Meeks, his faithful servant slumped against the brick wall, There was no chair Meeks sat on the floor the candle burning next to him, an open Bible loosely held between his hands

  Slowly Patton took stock of his situation. He was in a field hospital, his shoulder was in a cast, and he had no feeling in the arm below it. Parts of his legs and torso were bandaged. He felt numb. Then it all came flooding back the assault, the bad weather, the desperate attempt to break out and the confrontation with the Tigers. Somehow the face of the little Tiger commander stuck in his mind as he mouthed the words kaput.

  Well, he was certainly kaput. What he needed to know now was how badly.

  ‘Meeks !’

  There was now response.

  Meeks, wake up !’

  The Bible slipped from Meeks hands as he came alive. ‘General… ! General Patton.’ You ..’

  Yes Meeks I’m alive. More than I should be. What day it is and what’s happened since our breakout.’

  The NCO looked confused. ‘There was no breakout General. We were all taken prisoner. After you went down the men lost heart.’ He came over to Patton’s bedside, Bible in hand, rigidly at attention. ‘

  At ease,.. please Meeks, ’Patton was desperately trying to control his impatience’ I need to know what’s going what happened from the day we tried to push our way past the Tigers at the .. bridge. But first tell me how lo
ng have I been out.

  It took Sergeant Meeks a while to tell the story of Patton’s capture, the failure of a last-ditch attempt by his troops to break past the Tiger’s blocking position. There had followed a stand-off while both sides had been circling and the poor weather had continued to favour the Germans. Later that night all American units in the pocket had formally surrendered, been given medical support by the Germans and with Field Marshall Rommel in attendance had been marched back to their own lines. Patton had received the best treatment possible in the field from a German medic, but the damage to his shoulders muscles and bones had been extensive. He had been in an American field hospital for another day and a half before coming to. Meeks had been with his Commander all the way, had followed him into captivity and had stayed by his side as the unconscious General had been handed back to the advancing Americans in the presence of Rommel. There had been pictures in the press that showed the event. No senior Allied officer had yet visited, Meeks admitted, and there had been nothing official in the briefing to the troops. The rumour mill though was running wild claiming that the President himself had commented unfavourably upon the attack. There were also rumours that Eisenhower might be sacked for failing to control his subordinate. But the real blow was that apparently as a result of the setback, the Allies had agreed to meet with German peace-negotiators. Whether all these rumours were true or not, Meeks could not tell for certain. But he knew how much his General needed information. Unfortunately there was not much good news.