The Valkyrie Option

by Markus Reichardt

  Morale at 2e DB had suffered when in the aftermath of the euphoria, the reality of the American position sank in. In part something as simple as the American troops in town literally charming the pants of the locals with any kind of sweets or cigarettes, while they subsisted on limited rations, was hard to bear. This 16 000 strong division was an extraordinary mixture with Gaullists, communists, monarchists, socialists and even anarchists in its ranks. Their co-operation so far had been seen by De Gaulle as a key example of how unified post-war French politics could be. It proved to be an overly optimistic assessment. The day after the incident at the airport was reported, De Gaulle received the first reports of desertions. The Free French soldiers were becoming Frenchmen again and returning to their old loyalties. The various factions of the former resistance welcomed them and their hardware with open arms. The balance of power was shifting away from him. Much as he tried to ignore it there was no denying it. On the other side the French Communists, lacking any direction from Moscow on whether or not to take advantage of the situation, sat and waited. But Stalin was playing a waiting game; a French Communist Uprising would spook the Americans, possibly lead to a break with Roosevelt. So for the moment everyone sat and waited while 2e DB gradually exhausted its fuel supplies.

  In desperation De Gaulle had even quietly had a meeting with the equivalent of the British ambassador in Paris in the hope of sourcing at least fuel from London. But Duff Cooper, though sympathetic to the Gaullists could only tell him how reliant Britain was on US supplies and that there was no way Her Majesty’s Government would risk jeopardizing this to bail out the French leader; at least not formally. The limited help he could promise, de Gaulle concluded immediately, would be too little and too late.

  On September 8th the news had come that a full ten per cent of his soldiers had taken leave – authorised or unauthorised; and the pace was quickening. Sadly for France the General was not a realist. Holding on to his vision he secluded himself in his official residence while outside the political factions began a slow but steady descent into turf wars. This violence began to build on top of the random retribution that had already descended on French women accused of ‘collaboration horizontale’ when all they had been doing was resorting to desperate means to keep their children fed. Soon moral outrage, petty vengeance and simple opportunism, saw starving and frustrated Parisians, tired of the black market began taking sides and Paris gradually became a dangerous city.

  September 9th

  Berlin

  Albert Speer sat in his office. The chair he occupied was one of a group of four that he used when he wanted informality with his colleagues. And they had all just been there, the men who ran the German war machine for him, including Saukel. Fritz Sauckel whom he, Speer had personally recommended for the position of General Plenipotentiary for the employment of Labour he would be the real problem, Speer thought. Recognizing that Germany’s manpower resources were too limited for her war needs Sauckel a Nazi of the first hour, overseen the drafting, often at gunpoint of nearly 5 million non-Germans into her economy to work as farm and factory hands. Speer knew that he had quietly tolerated the brutal methods with which Sauckel and his empire had sourced workers from countries as far away as Greece. But mostly it had been eastern Europeans who had suffered and who had been sent in their thousands into the factories run by the SS adjacent to their Konzentrationslager. Sauckel was very good at his job and right now fuming at the directive to repatriate most of the forced labour from western Europe and the Balkan states. Even under the new regime he had been forced to retain the man simply because there was no way of changing horse in mid-stride without damaging the machine. He had committed to producing the maximum number of weapons and war material until the end of 1944, or at most until April/May 1945. There had been no time to replace Sauckel at the head of what was a forced labour empire. Now that Hitler was dead and his purpose gone, one realised again what forced labour was. Never mind that the forced labour had gradually been allowed to return home. Sauckel was there, a carry-over from the previous way of doing things just like he himself. And still in charge of thousands of unwilling workers.

  What would happen after they no longer needed him. No-one had looked at him or for that matter pointedly ignored him after that dreadful cabinet session where the bishops had outlined the details of the genocide organised by the SS. He and Sauckel and many others for that matter had been a component of that killing machine. Speer had not been able to shake a sense of doom since that day. Maybe this was part of the way in which the Almighty dished out justice.

  He, Albert Speer, came from a respectable home with strict and stable values based on the experience of a civilization dating to the Greeks. His teacher had endeavoured to communicate not only professional knowledge but also ethics to navigate the challenges of the post-war years. Hitler had been that primal being, that power that had shown just how fragile his teacher’s and parent’s precautions were. Hitler had been the primal power that Nietzsche had predicted could summon the German soul, his had been the destructive purpose. And he, Albert Speer, with his classical education and culture had become his tool.

  He looked up and realised that contrary to the cabinet room, his office had no more hooked crosses. He saw his desk, the picture behind it gone. The evil genius that it depicted was no more. But that evil genius would not have achieved any of his objectives without helpers and Speer suddenly realised in his heart of hearts that he would never escape having been one of the most efficient helpers. [78]

  Americans view the Polish settlement as a symbol of our

  ability to work out problems with the Soviet Union.

  Harry Hopkins to Josef Stalin shortly after Roosevelt’s death

  September 11th

  Moscow

  They had been in Moscow for 2 days and today was the first time he had been allowed to join the discussions between the two leaders. Premier Mick had realized on the tarmac of the Russian airport that he had been well and truly conned by the brutally direct Russians. The question remained just how deeply the British deceit went. He had not said a word to anyone else. Instead he had calmly headed the call to finally join the talks.

  But even he had not been truly prepared for the presence of Bierut, one of the members of the Lublin Committee at the table. While he sat down as part of the British delegation, Bierut had been accorded full governmental status. One look told the Premier that Churchill had not been aware of this, there was still hope of British support.

  That hope was gone half an hour later when after all the opening statements, the presentation of the Lublin Committee representative ended with the obsequious statement that ‘It is the will of the Polish people that the Curzon line be the new border between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and Poland; therefore Lvuv shall belong to Russia. This has the support of the allied powers and will contribute to lasting peace in Europe.’

  Premier Mick felt like someone had hit him with a sledgehammer; this was like the German Chancellor denying that the Rhine could be a German frontier. The politician in Mick went for the jugular. Without waiting for Churchill’s assent he shot out of his chair, finger pointed at Bierut.’ And who, who do you non-entity, you traitor to your people really represent? I am the rightful leader of the legitimate Government of Poland. A Government elected by the people and not some foreign puppet master… “From there the words just kept on flowing. The months of pent up rage spilled out.

  Few noticed that Molotov’s facial expression actually began to change as Premier Mick went on. Not that anyone should have been watching, Molotov’s face rarely showed any emotion. After a few minutes, he suddenly stood up and sharply cut in.

  ‘The Soviet delegation fails to see the purpose of this diatribe from a member of your delegation quibbling about details. The matter of the Curzon line was settled at Teheran.’

  He glanced at Churchill and the American ambassador who had joined as an observer. None reacted. Although he could see Churchill’
s eyebrow rising. The silence stretched for a few seconds.

  Just as the Pole was about to start up again, Molotov held up his hand. Fixing his gaze upon the British leader he snarled. ‘If your memory fails you, Prime Minister Churchill, let me recall the facts. President Roosevelt, speaking for the western allies, agreed with Comrade Stalin at Teheran that the Curzon line must divide Poland. President Roosevelt agreed to this solution with Comrade Stalin and both strongly endorsed the line. …’

  Premier Mick ‘s face had lost all colour. Roosevelt himself had assured him in the White House that his country’s eastern borders would be protected. He suddenly couldn’t remember the words but that had been the sense. He looked pleadingly at Churchill next to him seeking reassurance. Churchill was muttering to an aide. For a few seconds all seemed quiet, then the Prime Minister leaned forward. “ That, Foreign Minister is not the way I recall the conference or its agreements. Perhaps we should discuss this in greater detail.”

  Molotov actually cracked a smile and swept his hand dismissively across the table. ‘That Prime Minister will not be necessary. I suggest that you check this with President Roosevelt. It was he who agreed with Generalissimo Stalin on this matter. It was his initiative. They also agreed not to issue any public declaration about the agreement, although I must express surprise that President Roosevelt did not inform you of this agreement as subsequent communication to us indicates that he regards the issue as dealt with.” [79]

  Thereafter the meeting wrapped up rather quickly. [80]

  September 12th

  Moscow

  Stalin’s dacha at Kuntsevo was protected by a special unit of MGB troops. They patrolled two high, thick wooden fences that surrounded the entire property and the actual grounds with dogs on a half-hourly basis. Every visitor was subjected to a thorough examination, no matter who he was, and that to his chagrin still included Molotov. From the Mozhaisky highway his limousine had turned into the entrance of the Kuntsevo complex once the physical barrier had been removed. He had had to show his papers again at the second barrier at the gate where sometimes he was even required to leave the car. This was luckily not one of those times. The third and final check happened at the dacha itself where a colonel always went through the motions of checking his papers again. It almost spoiled his good mood over the news he was bringing the Vozhd.

  Stalin did not see the plane that carried Churchill and Mick back to England take off. He did not care, he had won. Molotov’s report was unambiguous that when confronted with a deal that he and the American President had made, Churchill had had little opposition to offer but words, even if that meant loosing face in the presence of an ally. The talks had confirmed what he and Roosevelt had agreed on at Teheran. Until yesterday he had remained suspicious of the western allies, and of the effort Roosevelt had made to gain his confidence at the meeting of the Big 3 at Teheran the year before. During their meeting in the Iranian capital, the American president had sought a private meeting with him. One of the issues he had jokingly raised was that of Poland and Soviet security. Roosevelt’s response had been whatever Churchill thought about the eastern Polish border should not be allowed to stand in the way of resolving bigger issues such as the formation of the United Nations. Thus in a throwaway line Roosevelt had sold out Poland and any effort on the part of Britain to honour her pledges.

  Part of Stalin could still not believe it, but when he had heard of Molotov seeing the realization dawn on the British Premier’s face that the Curzon line presented for the Russians a firm agreement and not merely a negotiating proposal he had smiled inwardly. Roosevelt had no sense of history, he had given it all away a year ago, before the Red Army had made the gains to enforce the claim. The next great satisfaction had been the British acceptance – very reluctant acceptance - that the relative weight of the two leaders - Churchill and Roosevelt –had shifted in the latter’s favour. Churchill, whom Stalin would forever consider the more intelligent, had not liked it. The Polish Premier had blustered and shouted both at the Soviet delegation and at his British hosts but it had all been settled. The next day he would confirm in STAVKA the continuation of all advances in the Balkans; those countries where the relative post war positions had not yet been settled; the advance into Poland could wait. Its fate was settled, but on the Balkans there were still some loose ends to tie up if the buffer zone he sought against future aggression was to have real depth. Bulgaria and Rumania were his; occupied by the Red Army. Greece had been of little interest since the British were so attached to it no matter what the Greek communists said. And he was certain that with victory achieved, the Turks would see reason. But now the possibilities were opening up again. With Churchill having lost face so badly there were two possible courses of action. Either Britain would make a major fuss over Greece and seek to install an anti-Soviet regime, possibly the monarchy as a bulwark against Soviet influence or they would slither away and possibly give the Kremlin the space to extract unfettered usage of the Straits of Bosporus from the Turks. Then there was the matter of Tito who was sounding dangerously like a Yugoslav nationalist rather than a progressive ally of Moscow. Again the wild card here would be the British, not the Americans. As long as the American President remained fixated on crushing Germany and Japan and on his United Nations project, there remained opportunity. Stalin made a note to instructing the Pravda editors to make some more positive noises about the great post war hope - the United Nations. From what he had read of ROOSEVELT, tidbits like this would help.

  One wonders whether the President has learnt European history and geography through his passion for stamp collecting … he seems to see himself disposing of the fate of many lands like a conjuror, skilfully juggling with balls of dynamite, whose nature he has failed to understand,

  Adapted from Eden’ s memoirs[81]

  September 18

  Quebec City, Quebec Province

  Dominion of Canada

  The Quebec Conference, originally scheduled to begin October 13th had been re-scheduled to accommodate Churchill’s trip to Moscow. After the humiliation at the hand of the Soviets, Churchill privately confessed to an aide that having half his teeth pulled out without anaesthetic would be preferable to attending the meeting in Canada. But he and the President needed to talk, face to face. Part of Churchill wanted to rush in with a furious telegram and provoke a crisis. Roosevelt had after all decided a material feature of post war Europe without consulting him and had then added insult to injury keeping this rather significant fact from him. The other part of him desperately wanted to avoid the rift. England needed America to see this war through to the end and to guard her, at least for a few years, against any further Soviet ambitions while she rebuilt her strengths. Yes, it was a reality, England was broke and running largely on the materials of Lend-Lease. But what if Roosevelt had lied about his intention of post war generosity as well? Driving through the cobbled streets of the French-Canadian provincial capital he recalled his own growing unease at the first signs of a shifting US stance when he had reported back to cabinet on July 18th. Back then he had expressed his hope that the Americans would take into account that Britain had “single-handedly” held Germany at bay for over 18 months before the Russian entry into war, “when the question of settlement was under consideration.” If this hope was misguided it would be Britain who would emerge as one of the major losers of the conflict, bankrupted by the Americans who had sold her everything over the years in return for virtually all of the Britain’s overseas capital and investments. If they demanded payment for everything Britain had received under Lend-Lease and discreetly forgot the bleeding of resources that had gone before their belated arrival, then the Britain, then the Empire was finished. So he could not break with America, even if the President had lied. But had he?

  As the limousine approached the gates of the Chateau Frontenac, he conceded that he may well have been too eager to hear his version of events in the President’s vagaries and flattering. Although he had through a phone
call to Harry Hopkins wrung an admission from Roosevelt that that detail - the Curzon line – may have been forgotten in the formal agreement, Churchill the pragmatist and Churchill the Roosevelt-fan both knew that at this conference they would have to avoid a break with the American leader.