The Valkyrie Option

by Markus Reichardt

  Now the western allies, essentially the British, were different, they wanted something and would be willing to trade for it. Tito wanted that trade because it was his intention to chart his own course. Stalin could go right on underestimating him but the Yugoslavs guerrillas had won the liberation of their country alone. They were answerable to none, even if they were part of a broader Communist movement. The few miserly Russian arms and the more generous British weapons shipments during the war would not alter that, why after all they paled in comparison with the arms acquired in 1943 through the Italian surrender. Now he was strong, his goals national and he had the victorious force to back it. At least as long as they were still fighting the Germans, the Russians would not be able to concentrate their might on him. The British would want trade, territory or bases. These he might talk about, but influence in the nature of the society he was going to build was not on the table. It took Churchill and Eden nearly 90 minutes of heated debate to accept that.

  Just as this realisation had sunk in and the British mood darkened, Tito played his trump card. “Our sovereignty and independence is vital to us but that also means that we will need allies in this dangerous world. No independent nation can exist in isolation. As an independent nation recognized by your Government we would naturally wish to explore some form of alliance.“

  “It is the nature of that independence that needs to be clarified. In my experience words like people’s republic and progressive state are often the camouflage of a new authoritarianism.” Churchill leaned across the table gesturing with his cigar as the translator did his job. “What specifically would be the relationship between yourself and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics?”

  “They share a progressive belief with us, they have supported us in our struggle as you have. They, like you have military forces on our national territory. They,.. he paused for effect, continuing only when the translator looked at him questioningly ”have their own national and international policies. Naturally their support for our struggle has resulted in a treaty of friendship between our people. This followed immediately upon their recognition of our national Government.”

  “Those are the treaty arrangements we would like to match in due course.” Eden was playing for time, but Churchill, jumped the gun. “What we are seeking are firm commitments in respect of your alliances and your openness towards other parties. “

  “There are no other significant parties” It came out harder than planned. He needed to qualify that and so he added” however there is no reason why parties that espouse a patriotic progressive agenda, could not come into being.”

  “Would you guarantee their unfettered participation in free and fair elections?”

  “Subject to them participating as I said, as patriotic progressive parties.” Tito leaned back expansively.

  “Who would define that patriotism?”

  “Those who have struggled and suffered to achieve independence.” By now the Yugoslav was almost smiling.

  A lunch break interrupted the discussion before they resumed in the early afternoon. By that time the British were in agreement that there was little to be gained from holding out on recognition. For the moment, however, the conversation turned to the issue of foreign troops on Yugoslav ground and for the moment both sides agreed that it was desirable that allied troops would stay in place to assist in the maintenance of law and order and to help in the establishment of the institutions of the Yugoslav state. Alanbrooke had quietly grumbled about that one but Churchill had pushed on for clarification. “We will not act as an occupying power and our troops will do nothing to limit your sovereignty. We merely seek to ensure that no single power will control the region.”

  You are referring of course to the dominant military position occupied by the Red Army in the Balkans as a result of their victorious advance.” Djilas threw in. Churchill sidestepped that one “Have you discussed with the Russian forces the duration of their stay on Yugoslavs sovereign territory?”

  “Yes” the Yugoslavs were almost laughing at the monosyllabic response which would draw the next, obvious question.

  “And what has been the outcome of these discussions, even if preliminary?”

  “There is as yet no agreement concerning the matter. However, we do not view them or your forces as armies of occupation at the moment.”

  The Yugoslavs were playing for time. “Very good. That can serve as the basis for relations.” And with that Churchill handed the discussion to Eden. They had come willing to discuss formal recognition of Tito’s government and it would be left to the foreign Minister to work his way through the diplomatic niceties involved.

  In the end the two sides parted with some common ground and the promise to draft a treaty of friendship. “Whatever that means” mumbled Eden more to himself than to anyone in particular. Meanwhile Churchill irrepressible as ever took up Tito’s invitation to meet his bodyguards and inspired by the guerrillas rugged appearance and fired up by some of their tales of warfare, managed to pressure Alanbrooke into donating a wing of British fighterbombers as a modern addition to the new Yugoslav air force which had yet to be formed.

  All in all Tito thought things went rather well. If the Russians were not happy that was their problem. The British, in particular Churchill understood that friendship and alliances would need to be bought. The British Premier seemed willing to pay for his. Tito like Churchill understood that the donated planes were merely symbolic. What would be more significant was whether they would be the first in a longer line of weapons shipments that would make Yugoslavia less dependent on Moscow. In addition the British technicians and pilots who would come along to train the Yugoslavs could be vanguard of a British military mission which he could use to his advantage when negotiating with Moscow. As long as Stalin’s eye was on Poland and Germany he had room to manoeuvre. Belgrade was already secure as were large parts of the countryside. He had to be sure that the British would back him in an disagreement with Russia if matters came to a head. Tito realised that he was already thinking of himself as the new leader. Well, for appearances sake, he had agreed with Marshall Stalin’s suggestion that an election be held rather soon, to confirm the will of the people. There would be no time for other parties to form and campaign. Those that would, he would give limited room to agitate. In the end he knew that it would be his destiny to rule a united Yugoslavia.

  As he boarded the old DC-3 transport back to Belgrade, Rankovic handed his a small piece of paper. There had been two major fire fights between partisan units and red Army troops. One had been about women with the partisans protecting their womenfolk from certain rape, the other more significant incident had occurred in the western suburb of Belgrade, Jakovo, which abutted the Belgrade airfield. Russian troops had sought to cordon off a compound for themselves which would have given them control over road access to the airport and a clear line of fire of its runways. When Yugoslavs had resisted and arrived in force to press their point, the argument had led to shots being fired and seven men dying. Maybe, Tito thought as the DC-3 sped through the clouds over Croatia leaving Zagreb on its left, maybe he would need alliance partners sooner rather than later.

  19th November 1944

  Reichskanzlei

  Berlin

  The members of Goerdeler’s cabinet all looked at Helmuth James von Molkte as if he were from another world. No-one, least of all Goerdeler or Trott would have believed that the peace-feelers of the members of the Kreisau Circle – so named after his family estate where he organised a series of discussion groups aimed at mapping out a post-Hitler Germany and Europe – would amount to much. And here he was barely three months after setting off on his self-funded missions to Europe’s neutral capitals with some substantive feedback, some hope. As he stepped before them with a serious expression, that high forehead and clean-shaven, strangely youthful face, Helmuth James von Molkte, descendant of Germany’s most famous Marshall after Frederick the Great knew that much would depend on the slant he put on
his report.

  Adam von Trott, who had also doubted the value of the venture, stood up to set the context. “You have all heard of the mission that Helmuth von Molkte and other members of the Kreisau circle – embarked on. He is here to report back and to help us establish the basis for peace negotiations with the allies, at least the western allies. …”He glanced around the table trying to gauge the mood. “I must stress however, that the discussions that have gone on between Helmuth’s group and allied emissaries were all of an informal nature. Although many ideas have been discussed we can only use them as a basis to formulate our own views and expectations. The possibility of formal negotiations still needs to be discussed.” Adam still worried about von Molkte, the young man with the historical name carried a lot of weight. It was important to ensure that the cabinet members understood that so far this was the same as what had happened at Kreisau - just talk about the future.

  Helmuth, who had understood the veiled criticism from Trott, was brief: “When we set out we hoped to begin discussions that would lead to negotiations to end the conflict and shape a new European order. What we have achieved is that the British and via them some American government circles have a clear idea of what the gaols of this Government are. We have also gotten information and commentary from various high level individuals in the British, Swedish and Spanish administration to provide us with insights as to what we could expect in terms of peace terms.”

  He paused and put down his papers, he did not need them. All the discussions seemed etched into his mind. “The actions of the Government since it took office have made such discussions considerable easier as they have directly and indirectly satisfied a number of key demands of the alliance: the first is obviously a retreat from all occupied territories, second is the release of all forced foreign labour, third the trial of key Nazis. This Government has also made things easier by placing the issue of reparations on the table up front. All this has facilitated our engagement and in the eyes of many in England has gone a long way towards establishing our bona fides.

  The bad news is that although few Europeans – and this includes the British – remain wedded to the unconditional surrender requirement, the Americans do. It is a particular favourite of President Roosevelt and as the Americans have now become the dominant military power in the western alliance, his view prevails. There is at present no appetite among the smaller allies to break ranks over this issue actively.”

  The faces around the table said it all. Unconditional surrender had been the ghost haunting their actions, smothering their hopes. If there was no way around it the Widerstand risked the future charge that it had brought about Germany’s defeat by stabbing it the back. The stab-in-the back legend – the Dolchstosslegende - they all knew, lay at the heart of Hitler’s rise to power. If they could not get around this they would have failed.

  Goerdeler looked particularly disappointed. But before the chancellor could speak, Leuschner stepped in: ”You said active, what about passive drift away from the concept? The British seem to have been rather comfortable just following our troops eastward to the Reich’s borders.“

  “Yes they have.” Helmuth responded. “they have reached the limit of their manpower, and many of its leaders fear the growing dominance of American interests and influence, if British manpower gets bled dry any further. I am told that the British experience with the American troops stationed on the island was a mixed one, a clash of old world and new world. Somebody said that the problem with the Americans was that they were,..”he searched for the phrase” overpaid, oversexed and over here.” In short there are tensions but not ones that would break an alliance. It is critical that this point be stressed. For the moment, Britain is worried about her position and that of her empire in the post-war world. However to date she has not had cause to shake herself loose from the American milk-cow, much as large segments of her nobility and elite may wish to. “

  “What can we do to satisfy more of their demands to prove our bona fides to them?” It was Leber.

  “Practically Minister I am not sure. There is a long wish list of secondary and tertiary issues that have been discussed and that could come up during the peace negotiations but I am not here to make policy.”

  “Enlighten us as to what these issues may be so that we can discuss whether there is anything we can do.”

  “In essence there are two groups of demands: the first concerns the Reich’s borders, the others relate to the details of how a defeated and occupied Reich could be administered.” There it was, he had spelt it out so that the last optimist in the room could not avoid it. To have peace, Germany would have to accept defeat and occupation by foreign powers. There was a stunned silence as the men around the table were brutally reminded of reality. While the fight went on in the East it was easy to forget that defeat was still coming in the form of advancing AngloAmerican forces.

  “Let’s talk about the border issue. When we issued our initial policy statement, we spoke of the 1938 borders. That meant including Austria but not Alsas Lorraine.“ Goerdeler had developed this position during his time in the resistance, it was a position he held rather dear.

  “ Not one of our conversation partners believed that Austria should remain in the Reich. I think we must accept that even though it was Hitler who brought them back, the Saar and the Rhineland are accepted as legitimate parts of the Reich. Austria is not. Equally there is consensus that the 1938 borders of Czechoslovakia need to be restored.

  Leuschner who had never shared Goerdeler’s views on post-war borders, snorted. “In 1938 millions of Austrians welcomed Hitler - to his own amazement, we now know - with frenzied jubilation. Their joy only faded with the years because he lost not because he was evil or wrong. There was opposition in Austria, but I daresay it was rather slow in getting off the ground. Even compared to us.”

  “But Austria is German.” Goerdeler was struggling with his emotions.

  “But is it worth creating a stumbling block over the matter? As long as they do not fall to the Reds?” Born in Hamburg, Leber had an ambivalent view of the matter. To his surprise von Witzleben supported him:” The entire issue may be out of our hands since the British and Americans entered southern Austria from Italy and now occupy more or less the southern quarter of Austria. They are about to enter Innsbruck and Graz. They would move faster if it were not for the snow but it could also be that they are more interested in occupying large parts of northern Yugoslavia. Austria is in effect already gone.”

  In the discussion that followed Goerdeler gradually and grudgingly gave ground, but in the end Leber’s pragmatic position prevailed. Germany would accept the borders of 1936 as a basis for discussion but, at Goerdeler’s insistence, would only do so upon receiving the allied demand to that effect.

  “There is one other matter worth mentioning.” Von Molkte turned to face Adam “I know that there were those among you who questioned the wisdom and practicality of our proposals for a greater European order.” Adam’s eyebrow shot up. Had von Molkte actually pulled a rabbit out of the hat? “As a starting point it is important to recall that the basis for the past 350 years of British policy towards Europe has been to side with the weaker continental powers against the stronger. Thus she supported Portugal when Spain was dominant, allied herself to Prussia and Russia when Napoleon ruled. In short, now that the Reich no longer dominates the continent and is unlikely to do so for some time, Britain is looking for counterweights to Soviet dominance. We are given to understand that her leaders have been particular distraught about Soviet gains on the Balkans, especially Greece. In addition, they have a natural aversion to Bolshevism and will prefer an outcome that would see both the Reich and Poland weak but not destroyed. Both countries offer the potential for a counterweight to Russian dominance, and it is therefore likely that British policy will begin to reflect this the moment the peace negotiations start. I am assured that such pressure is already working its way into alliance policy-making.“

  “Wha
t about France?”. Von Trott asked.

  “Britain and France have an ambivalent history. Our discussion partners worry about the power of the Communist Party of France and the role that General de Gaulle is trying to carve out for himself. It seems the general made no friends during his time in England. They have accepted that he is anti-Bolshevik, but not necessarily anti-Russian. De Gaulle, they worry may seek, for reasons of prestige, some form of arrangement with Moscow.”

  It was Leber who brought the discussion to an end. “Chancellor, I submit that there is only one thing we can do to speed up the beginning of peace negotiations. If I may?”

  Goerdeler waived a weary hand. “We must formally announce that our forces in the west will no longer resist or obstruct the allied advance in any way. The sooner we get them to occupy the Reich, the sooner we can talk peace.”

  von Witzleben and Goerdeler stared in shock. ”And what would be the rationale for this? I thought we had discussed that we sought peace with some honour. What you are proposing is the beginning of another stab-in-the-back–legend.” Goerdeler had obviously forgotten his own opening speech back then in late July.

  Leber glanced at Stauffenberg and Trott and received reassuring nods. “Chancellor, the quicker the western allies occupy Germany, the further the Red Army will be from the Reich. I submit that nothing von Molkte has told us today about the demands of the western allies is unacceptable. Therefore it must be in our interests to strengthen their position in a post-war deal vis-à-vis that of the Bolsheviks.“

  “You have forgotten the unconditional surrender requirement! Chancellor, history will judge us hard.” Von Witzleben was unconvinced.