The Analects

by Confucius

  19.23 Shusun Wushu, speaking to the counselors at court, said, “Zigong is worthier than Zhongni [Confucius].” Zifu Jingbo later told Zigong about this.

  Zigong said, “Let us use the outer walls as an analogy. My walls are shoulder high, and so it is possible to peer in [from outside the walls] and see the elegance of the rooms inside the house. The walls of the Master are several ren high, and so unless you let yourself in through the gate, you will not be able to see the magnificence of the ancestral temples or the splendor of the official buildings. It is no wonder that the gentleman you mentioned spoke as he did.”

  Shusun Wushu was a chief counselor in the court of Lu and a member of the hereditary Shusun family. Zifu Jingbo also appeared in 14.36, where he played a similar role. There, he told Confucius that Zilu might be in trouble because someone had spoken “ill of Zilu to the head of the Jisuns.” The outer walls of a residence or a compound, Zigong says, could be “shoulder high” or several ren high. Later scholars worked out that a ren is a measure of either seven or eight feet. Lower walls were meant to enclose the living quarters of ordinary people and of the educated professionals, men like Zigong. Only kings and regional rulers were entitled to have their palaces, their ancestral temples, and their official buildings surrounded by walls that were several ren tall.

  The important information that can be gleaned from this entry and the next two is how the ruling elite in Lu perceived Confucius immediately after his death and how they went about assessing his worth. And, it seems, these counselors liked to put Zigong on the spot: they stated outright that Zigong was superior to Confucius. These men could have acted out of malice, but they could have actually believed that Zigong was the greater man. And Zigong, I feel, could not have cared about their intentions. He simply wanted to put an end to such talk, and so he used exaggerated words and exaggerated ideas to characterize Confucius and to sharpen the difference between himself and his teacher. It could not have been his plan to elevate Confucius to a position beyond human reach.

  19.24 Shusun Wushu spoke disparagingly of Zhongni [Confucius]. Zigong said, “There is no point in doing this. Zhongni is above disparagement. Great men in other people’s estimation are like the hills—one can still reach beyond them. Zhongni is like the sun and the moon—he is insurmountable. Even if people wanted to estrange themselves from the sun and the moon, what harm would it do to either? This only goes to show that they have overestimated themselves.”

  When you disparage someone, you feel that others can surpass him, but this is not the case with Confucius, Zigong says, because he is like the sun and the moon. And, again, as in the case of the sun and the moon, if you alienate yourself from him, he does not cease to shine, and so you are the one who loses when you choose not to take in his radiance.

  19.25 Chen Ziqin said to Zigong, “Surely you are being respectful [to your own teacher]. For how can Zhongni [Confucius] be superior to you?”

  Zigong replied, “A gentleman can tell whether or not a person has knowledge just from a single remark he has made. Therefore, one cannot be too careful about what one says. The Master cannot be equaled, just as the sky [tian] cannot be scaled. Were he to become the head of a state or of a hereditary family, he would be like the man described in the saying ‘He only has to help them stand on their own, and they will stand on their own; he only has to steer them [toward the right direction], and they will forge ahead; he only has to set them at ease, and they will gravitate toward him; he only has to mobilize them, and they will work in harmony.’ He was honored when he was alive and mourned when he died. How can he be equaled?”

  I wrote in The Authentic Confucius: “Here it was Zigong who was boastful. Confucius might have been as tall as the firmament, but he could not have made good the magic Zigong said he could in an earthly kingdom like Lu. His record in politics did not support Zigong’s claim, and even if he had risen to a position of authority, the world in the last years of the Spring and Autumn had already swung too far from the path for magic—any kind of magic—to work.”

  BOOK TWENTY

  Various scholars, for some time now, have felt that the Analects should conclude with Book Nineteen, with Zigong’s passionate defense of his teacher. What could be more appropriate than to finish the work in this way, to have Zigong put an end to any suggestion that there might be other men of worth who could prove themselves to be better and more capable than Confucius? Thus, to these scholars, Book Twenty looks like an interloper. The voice in 20.1 and even in 20.2 could not have been that of Confucius, they argue: the ideas and the manner of expression are from a much later period, they say, either that of the late Warring States or that of the early Han. Sources from the received tradition allow their theory some support, but more evidence has been coming to light in last thirty years from the excavated materials of the Warring States period, which, I believe, is able to make this case even stronger. In my commentaries, I have tried to explain how my reading of 20.1 and 20.2 is influenced by what I have learned from these recently discovered bamboo texts.

  20.1A Yao said, “Ah, you Shun! The order of succession, by Heaven’s calculation, falls on your shoulders. Hold faithfully to the middle [zhong] [, to rightness and that perfect balance]. If all within the four seas find themselves in a dire condition, Heaven will withdraw its blessings.” Shun instructed Yu with the same command.

  Tang said, “I, Lü, the little one, dare to sacrifice a black ox and dare to make this declaration plainly to the most august Lord [on High]. I dare not pardon those who have committed a crime. I will not hide anything, since we are subjects of our august Lord. The choice rests with our Lord. If I am guilty of a crime, do not let the ten thousand regions be entangled in it [and suffer as a consequence]. If the ten thousand regions are guilty of a crime, I am the one to blame.”

  The Zhou was greatly rewarded, having had in her service an abundance of good men.

  [King Wu] said, “Even though I have my relatives, it is better to employ humane men. If the people transgressed, let the blame rest on me alone.”

  Scholars from as early as the third century believed that 20.1 stood as a separate chapter in the Ancient Text of the Analects, a version of the Analects that had disappeared by the end of the Han. What makes this section seem cut off and strangely out of place in the Analects is the chronology of kingship we find in the first half plus the idea that Yao’s injunction—that Shun should “hold faithfully to the middle”—was passed on from Shun to the founders of the next three dynasties, Xia, Shang, and Zhou. Scholars note that Confucius did not speak about history in long disquisitions and certainly not about kings in this orderly fashion. Names such as Yao, Shun, Yu, Wen, and Wu came up in his conversations with others, and, on the whole, his comments there were spontaneous and to the point. And there is also the question of Yao’s command. Those words of Yao do not appear in “The Canon of Yao” of the Book of Documents, which is the earliest account we have of the transfer of power from Yao to Shun. And the command itself—“hold . . . to the middle”—was expressed in a way that could not be earlier than the Warring States period, scholars say. One recently excavated text, “Treasured Instructions” (Baoxun), from the Tsinghua University collection of Warring States materials, has, I believe, direct bearing on these questions. The work begins with a scene in which King Wen was giving his final instruction to his successor, the future King Wu, as King Wen was lying on his deathbed. And the dying king told his son that when Emperor Shun was “a farmer at the foot of the Li Mountain, he sought to understand the middle [zhong],” and that after the emperor “had grasped the middle,” he “did not confuse names with reality” and he “became even more vigilant and trustworthy.” King Wen also told the future King Wu a second story, about the early ancestors of King Tang, and in it the idea of “the middle” also played a crucial role; and because King Tang inherited the instruction of “the middle,” King Wen said, “he was given the great mandate” to become the founder of the Shang dynasty.

&n
bsp; But what is “the middle”? Here, my feeling is that what King Tang and King Wu asked from Heaven—that they should take the blame for their people’s transgressions—could be one way of understanding the concept of “the middle.” And King Wu’s remark that it is “better to employ humane men” than his own relatives offers another way of arriving at what is right and fair. And what about the prayer King Tang uttered to the Lord on High? Was he referring to some extreme adversity during his reign? According to one Warring States text, after King Tang completed his conquest of the Xia dynasty, the weather turned cruel—there was a drought—and King Tang said this prayer with the hope that if he put the blame on himself, Heaven might send down rain and relieve the people from their suffering.

  20.1B Be careful and precise in setting the standards for weights and measures; give a thorough evaluation of the legal models and regulations; and restore the offices that have been abolished. Revive states that are about to perish and lineages that are about to come to an end. [Locate] men of worth who have gone into hiding, and elevate them to positions of prominence. [In this way,] people in the empire will gravitate toward you. What is important: food for the people, mourning and sacrificial rites.

  If you are large-minded, you will win the hearts of the people. If you are trustworthy, people will have confidence in you. If you are quick in response, you will get things done. If you are just, people will be pleased.

  Some scholars believe that the speaker in this second half of 20.1 is Confucius. Others feel that it is best not to give these words any attribution since the authenticity of this whole record is in doubt, except for the last passage, which is a repetition of what Confucius tells Zizhang in 17.6, with this slight discrepancy: in 17.6 Confucius stresses the virtue of being generous (hui), while here the speaker talks about the virtue of being just (gong).

  20.2 Zizhang asked Confucius, “What must a man be like before he is able to serve in government?”

  The Master said, “Respect the five beautiful traits and shun the four abhorrent ones, and then he is able to serve in government.”

  Zizhang asked, “What are the five beautiful traits?”

  The Master said, “A gentleman is generous but is not wasteful. He works the people hard but does not incur their resentment. He has desires but is not covetous. He has breadth of character but is not arrogant. He is dignified but is not fierce.”

  Zizhang asked, “What does it mean to be generous but not wasteful?”

  The Master said, “Benefit the people by letting them understand how they can best take advantage of their situation—is this not being generous without being wasteful? Push people to work harder on projects they are capable of carrying out—who will be resentful? Desire humaneness and obtain it—how is this covetous? The gentleman dares not be disrespectful whether he is dealing with a few or with many, with people big or small—is this not having breadth of character without being arrogant? The gentleman straightens his robe and cap and takes on a thoughtful gaze, and, seeing his stately presence, people are in awe—is this not being dignified without being fierce?”

  Zizhang asked, “What are the four abhorrent traits?”

  The Master said, “To execute people without first instructing them—this is cruelty. Not to give people warning and then suddenly expect results—this is tyranny. To be slow in issuing orders and then to be inflexible about the deadline—this is being harmful. Knowing that you have to give something to a person, but in the process of handing it over, behaving parsimoniously—this is like being a petty clerk.”

  Qian Mu, in his commentary, says that some scholars believe that this entry and 20.1 came from the hands of Zizhang’s later followers, who had intended to draw together a collection devoted just to Zizhang’s conversations with Confucius about government. And so the volume began with the subject of kingship. But either the work never took off or most of it was lost, and so, by the early Han, these two records found themselves at the end of the three standardized versions of the Analects. To support their claim, they point out that though Confucius had much to say about government, he never tried to give a long and prepared speech on the topic, which is the case here. And I would add that, just like the entries from Book Sixteen, the record here is more characteristic of the late Warring States writings, where enumerations and classifications and warnings of dos and don’ts often appear within the discursive text. Examples of this kind of disquisition would include the works of Hanfeizi and essays such as the “Confucius in Retirement” (Kongzi xianju) of the Book of Rites and the excavated bamboo manuscript “Father and Mother of His People” (Min zhi fumu).

  20.3 The Master said, “A person will have no way to become a gentleman if he does not understand destiny. He will have no way to find his balance if he does not know the rites. He will have no way to assess people’s character if he does not have insight into words.”

  If we accept the need to have a Book Twenty, this entry is a much better choice than 20.1 or 20.2 to conclude the Analects. Qian Mu believes that the record reflects “the essential teachings of Confucius.” Does it? We know that Confucius in the Analects avoided talking about destiny, ming, but here he says that a man will not be able to become a gentleman if he does not understand destiny. And on the question of how to assess someone’s character, he says in 2.10, “Observe what a person does. Look into what he has done. Consider where he feels at home. How then can he hide his character? How then can he hide his character?” There, Confucius makes no mention of “having an insight into words [zhiyan]” in order to gauge a person’s character. In fact, “having an insight into words” was Mencius’ strength—he told his disciple Gongsun Chou, “I have insight into words [zhiyan] and I am good at cultivating my flood-like qi.” And destiny, ming, was Mencius’ final teaching. He says toward the end of the Book of Mencius, “Though nothing happens that is not due to destiny, one accepts willingly only what is proper destiny. That is why he who understands destiny does not stand under a wall on the verge of collapse. He who dies after having done his best in following the Way dies according to proper destiny.” So Confucius’ last remark in this collection could have been a Mencian conclusion to the Analects, but followers of Zizhang also managed to stake out a claim in 20.2 as the work drew to a close.

  Visit http://bit.ly/analectsappendix for a larger version of the following appendix.

  Appendix 1A

  DISCIPLES OF CONFUCIUS

  The list includes all the disciples that appear in the Analects, with their personal names. One should consider the text together with the commentaries for a more nuanced description of the principal disciples.

  Boniu (Ran Boniu ; Ran Geng )

  6.10, 11.3

  Fan Chi (Fan Xu )

  2.5, 6.22, 12.21, 12.22, 13.4, 13.19

  Gongxi Hua (Gongxi Chi )

  5.8, 6.4, 7.34, 11.22, 11.26

  Gongye Chang

  5.1

  Min Ziqian (Min Sun )

  6.9, 11.3, 11.5, 11.13, 11.14

  Nan Rong (Nangong Tao )

  5.2, 11.6

  Qidiao Kai

  5.6

  Ran Qiu (Ran You )

  3.6, 5.8, 6.4, 6.8, 6.12, 7.15, 11.3, 11.13, 11.17, 11.22, 11.24, 11.26, 13.9, 13.14, 14.12, 16.1

  Shen Cheng (Zhou )

  5.11

  Tantai Mieming (Ziyu )

  6.14

  Wuma Qi (Wuma Shi )

  7.31

  Yan Hui (Yan Yuan )

  2.9, 5.9, 5.26, 6.3, 6.7, 6.11, 7.11, 9.11, 9.20, 9.21, 11.3, 11.4, 11.7, 11.8–11.11, 11.19, 11.23, 12.1, 15.11

  Youzi (Master You, You Ruo )

  1.2, 1.12, 1.13, 12.9

  Yuan Si (Yuan Xian )

  6.5, 14.1

  Zai Wo (Zai Yu )

  3.21, 5.10, 6.26, 11.3, 17.21

  Zeng Xi (Zeng Dian )

  11.26

  Zengzi (Master Zeng, Zeng Can )

  1.4, 1.9, 4.15, 8.3, 8.4, 8.5, 8.6, 8.7, 11.18, 14.26, 19.16, 19.17, 19.18, 19.19

  Zhon
ggong 仲弓 (Ran Yong )

  5.5, 6.1, 6.2, 6.6, 11.3, 12.2, 13.2

  Zigao (Gao Chai )

  11.18, 11.25

  Zigong (Duanmu Ci )

  1.10, 1.15, 2.13, 3.17, 5.4, 5.9, 5.12, 5.13, 5.15, 6.8, 6.30, 7.15, 9.6, 9.13, 11.3, 11.13, 11.16, 11.19, 12.7, 12.8, 12.23, 13.20, 13.24, 14.17, 14.28, 14.29, 14.35, 15.3, 15.10, 15.24, 17.19, 17.24, 19.20–19.25

  Zijian (Fu Buqi )

  5.3

  Zilu (Zhong You )

  2.17, 5.7, 5.8, 5.14, 5.26, 6.8, 6.28, 7.11, 7.19, 7.35, 9.12, 9.27, 10.27, 11.3, 11.12, 11.13, 11.15, 11.18, 11.22, 11.24, 11.25, 11.26, 12.12, 13.1, 13.3, 13.28, 14.12, 14.16, 14.22, 14.36, 14.38, 14.42, 15.2, 15.4, 16.1, 17.5, 17.7, 17.8, 17.23, 18.6, 18.7

  Ziqin (Chen Kang )

  1.10, 16.13, 19.25

  Zixia (Bu Shang )