Lords of Alba

by Ian W. Walker

  The inauguration ceremony itself, as in 1249, almost certainly consisted of inauguration or enthronement rather than coronation, which was not introduced until 1329. The new king was probably seated on a throne or stone, or possibly a combination of these, which represented the wider kingdom. This custom has some similarities with certain Irish and Dalriadan ceremonies, and may possibly signify the marriage of the king with his kingdom. The ceremony almost certainly also included the recitation in Gaelic by a sennchaidh or historian of the king’s genealogy. This remained a feature of the ceremony in 1249, when the use of Gaelic suggests that it was an early survival from before 1097 at least. A succession system which selected its kings from three alternate lineages descended from early kings would have required reliable proof. The royal genealogy provided the necessary confirmation that this was the true king by placing him in the line of descent from Kenneth MacAlpin and beyond.

  The role of others in the ceremony is perhaps even more difficult to ascertain. In the eleventh century, the new king was probably led to the throne or stone and placed on it by a mormaer, the equivalent of the earls of 1249, and probably by the mormaer of Strathearn alone. The role of this important secular figure was probably to acknowledge that the new king controlled this vital central region of Alba, formerly known as Fortriu. Indeed, the wider kingdom of Alba was sometimes known by the name of this region in Irish sources in its early years. In 1249 this role had been usurped by the Earl of Fife, while the Earl of Strathearn, although still present, no longer had any clearly defined function. It was probably only after Malcolm’s time that the earls of Fife took over this role, probably as compensation for their surrender of the claim of the MacDuff lineage to a place in the succession. This possible change between Malcolm’s time and 1249 highlights the fact that, while some elements of the ceremony demonstrated considerable continuity over time, others were subject to change.

  The role performed by the Christian Church in the royal inauguration ceremony of Malcolm’s time is much less clear. It seems unlikely that, after nearly 400 years, the Church would not have secured a role in this important ceremonial by the eleventh century. Adomnan’s account of St Columba anointing Aidan of Dalriada, even if it exaggerates Columba’s role, suggests that senior clerics were already alive to the issue in the 690s. Abbot Ailred of Rievaulx reports that David I in 1124 ‘so abhorred those obsequies which are offered by the race of Scots in the manner of their fathers upon the recent promotion of their king that he was with difficulty compelled by the bishops to receive them.’ This appears to suggest some unfamiliar or barbaric elements in the ceremony, but it should perhaps be seen as an example of cultural snobbery rather than evidence of pagan ritual. It should be remembered that St Margaret’s biographer portrayed the entire Scottish Church as backward in many respects. The Scottish bishops, who finally persuaded David I to undergo the ceremony, clearly did not regard it as pagan. The agreement of 906 between Bishop Cellach and King Constantine II, struck on the Hill of Faith at Scone itself, may have included provision for a clerical role in the royal inauguration, if this did not already exist. It would seem most likely that this involved at the very least a blessing of the new king. It perhaps also included an oath by the new king to maintain the agreement of 906 between the clerical and secular authorities.

  Whatever the precise nature of the ceremonial and the exact date, King Malcolm III was inaugurated on the Hill of Faith at Scone. He would prove to be a worthy successor of his great-grandfather and namesake Malcolm II. He would reign for thirty-five years, which was longer than Malcolm II and over a strong and stable kingdom. In 1058, of course, none of this was apparent and Malcolm had just returned from a long period in exile. He had had to fight for the kingship, initially with English assistance but subsequently on his own. He had nevertheless managed to triumph over his rivals Macbeth, the northern usurper from Moray, and Lulach, the candidate of the rival MacDuff lineage. It had taken him four years to secure his rule and he remained vulnerable for the immediate future.

  In the period immediately following his victories over Macbeth and Lulach, Malcolm preserved his early alliance with England in spite of changes there. In 1059, a late Durham source reports that King Malcolm, escorted by a great body of men led by Tosti, Earl of Northumbria, Cynesige, Archbishop of York and Aethelwine, Bishop of Durham, visited King Edward in England probably in recognition of his military and political support. He may have met his future bride Margaret at this time but, if so, there is no record of this. It is likely that this visit involved discussion and agreement on common borders in line with many similar meetings in the past. It seems likely that it endorsed the border changes that Malcolm had been forced to accept as the price for English aid in 1054, namely the surrender of Cumberland. It is known that Siward had controlled Allerdale in Cumberland during his time as earl and there is no evidence to suggest that it was lost until after the Norman Conquest in 1066. It seems likely that Malcolm was still involved in consolidating his hold on the kingdom of Alba and could not therefore afford any disturbance on his southern border.

  In 1061 Malcolm appears to have exploited the absence of Earl Tosti in Rome to launch a raid against Lindisfarne. This raid may perhaps be a sign that two years on Malcolm felt that he had secured his rule in Alba and felt sufficiently confident to risk irritating his former allies in the pursuit of plunder. It has been suggested that this raid is, in fact, clear evidence of the severance of Malcolm’s alliance with England and with Earl Tosti specifically. It is important to note, however, that this raid occurred during the absence of Tosti in Rome and that good relations were apparently quickly restored through negotiations on Tosti’s return. It has also been suggested that this attack marks the restoration of Cumberland to Scottish control. The raid, however, was directed at Lindisfarne rather than Cumberland and there is no evidence in the sources of any border changes until after 1066. It is possible that the raid was prompted by a local dispute initiated in Tosti’s absence by the family of the old Northumbrian earls. It would become clear from subsequent events that relations between Tosti and some members of this dynasty were not always friendly. They may have exploited his absence to pursue personal grievances against Malcolm, who controlled some of their ancestral lands in Lothian. The Scottish raid would then represent Malcolm’s retaliation rather than his own initiative. There is no evidence of any personal animosity between Malcolm and Tosti, who were blood brothers, and only five years later Malcolm would welcome the exiled Tosti at his court.

  In 1063, the English launched a major invasion of Wales that involved forces drawn from Northumbria and led by Earl Tosti himself. It seems unlikely that Tosti could have taken part in this invasion if King Malcolm had represented a hostile threat in the north. The result of this invasion and the subsequent fate of the Welsh ruler, Gruffydd ap Llwelyn, offered an object lesson in the fate of those who stood against the English at this time. It must have reinforced in Malcolm’s mind the wisdom of a continued alliance with Tosti and the English. Indeed, it appears that relations between Malcolm and his southern neighbours remained friendly for the rest of King Edward’s reign. If there had been tension between Malcolm and the English it might have been expected that he would have sought to exploit the Northumbrian rebellion of 1065 for his own ends. There is, however, no evidence that he did so and Malcolm would not seek to interfere in English affairs until 1068.

  It was not until 1066 that Malcolm’s relations with England would enter a new phase. The fundamental changes in the English political situation which occurred in that year and were outside Malcolm’s control would be responsible for this. The exile of Tosti, Malcolm’s blood brother would be swiftly followed by the death of King Edward, Malcolm’s ally, the brief succession of King Harold II Godwineson, an unsuccessful Norwegian invasion of England and, finally, the Norman Conquest. What role, if any, did Malcolm play in these great events? He appears, very wisely, to have managed to remain neutral amidst these political storms. It is true t
hat he offered refuge in the summer of 1066 to the exiled Tosti, but he did not offer to aid him to any significant extent to restore his fortunes in England. There was no Scottish invasion of Northumbria either in support of Tosti or his Norwegian allies.

  In the summer of 1066, the exiled Tosti sought refuge in Scotland after the abject failure of his raids on the east coast of England. It seems unlikely that this is what he originally intended although it may have been prepared as a fall-back position. He knew that Malcolm, his blood brother, would at the very least offer him shelter. It is much more difficult to fathom Malcolm’s purpose at this time. He may simply have offered Tosti shelter on the basis of their relationship. He may also have viewed this as a potential political opportunity. He could perhaps use the threat of intervention on behalf of Tosti to negotiate the restoration of Cumberland. In the end Malcolm decided to offer him refuge and supplies, but nothing more. It was left to Tosti himself to seek more powerful and more willing allies elsewhere. He turned to King Harald of Norway, who was eager to restore his fortunes following the dismal end of his long war with Denmark.

  It is not clear whether Malcolm supported the subsequent alliance between Tosti and the Norwegians and their combined invasion of England. It would surely be dangerous for Malcolm if Harald of Norway managed to surround him by seizing control of England. He would face Norwegian power not only to the north and the west but also to the south. He may have been content to distract them from targeting his own kingdom. He did not challenge the southward passage of the Norwegian fleet along the Scottish east coast, but it is unlikely that he could have prevented this in any case. What appears to be clearer is that Malcolm remained aloof from the subsequent invasion of England. There is no evidence that any Scottish forces were involved in the fighting around York or in the disaster at Stamford Bridge that followed. There King Harold II of England surprised and defeated the Norwegians, killing both King Harald and Tosti. Whatever Malcolm’s intentions, the result probably worked to his advantage. He had managed to avoid both the danger of Norwegian encirclement and a potentially costly commitment to either side. It seems likely that Malcolm remained neutral thereafter with a victorious English king to the south. He was, in any case, in no position to influence the momentous events that took place at Hastings. He had simply to await the result like many others across Europe.

  The victory of William of Normandy at Hastings and his subsequent coronation as King of England probably came as a surprise. It is likely that Malcolm was unsure of what this might signify for him and his kingdom and that he initially opted to await developments. The recent series of dramatic events in England made assessment of the political situation very difficult. In the immediate aftermath, Malcolm had lost his former allies in England. He lacked any connection with the new Norman rulers but even greater changes would follow. It is, however, probably fair to say that the Norman Conquest would not only change English history but also transform Malcolm’s relationship with England. This did not happen overnight, however, but became clearer over a number of years as the full implications of the Norman Conquest gradually became apparent.

  It was not, in fact, until some two years later in 1068 that events in England altered Malcolm’s attitude of watchful neutrality. An important consequence of the Norman Conquest had been the vacuum in royal authority in the north of England. The authority of King William I was effectively restricted to southern England for the first years of his reign. He sought to exercise influence in distant Northumbria through a series of ad hoc appointments. The resulting combination of weak central authority and conflicting local claims encouraged dissent and lawlessness in the area. A series of rulers – Morcar, Marleswein, Copsi, Oswulf, Gospatric and Edgar Atheling – all attempted to control the region with varying levels of local support and royal backing. There was a danger that the resultant unrest might spread to Malcolm’s own territories, but it also offered an opportunity for him to intervene in Northumbria. In earlier times, Malcolm’s predecessors had exploited similar circumstances to extend their authority southwards. He was now secure enough at home to be able to contemplate the same.

  In the summer of 1068, King William finally decided to intervene in Northumbria himself. After a year spent as a captive in Normandy, Edgar Atheling had managed to escape and seize control of Northumbria. He probably hoped to use the Northumbrians to restore his fortunes and reclaim his lost kingdom. The Northumbrians were the most volatile and combative people in the kingdom. He probably considered himself safely beyond William’s reach there, but he was mistaken. King William reacted quickly to this threat by marching north to York, defeating the English and building a castle. An unprepared Edgar retreated before him and along with a number of English exiles, including Marleswein and possibly Gospatric, sought refuge in Scotland. This provided Malcolm with vital intelligence and opened up a range of opportunities for him.

  The most important of these exiles were without doubt Edgar Atheling, the true heir to the English throne, and his sister Margaret. Edgar had briefly been acknowledged as successor to King Harold II in October 1066 although he was never actually crowned. He had a solid claim to the English throne through his blood relationship to King Edward the Confessor and his descent from King Edmund Ironside. The presence of this important royal figure at his court offered King Malcolm some mouthwatering political prospects which he was not slow to pursue. It was in many respects a reversal of Malcolm’s own situation in 1040 when he had been the exile dependent on English aid. He almost certainly exploited his position as host to persuade Edgar to allow him to marry his sister Margaret. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports that Edgar ‘opposed it [the marriage] for a long time’ and it was not a great match from the viewpoint of the English. They might have expected Margaret to marry a major royal or princely figure from Europe rather than this – in their view – minor regional potentate. In reality, force of circumstances meant that Edgar and his family were in a very weak position in 1068. They were dependent on King Malcolm’s support and assistance for their future. The Chronicle explains: ‘The king [Malcolm] pressed her brother [Edgar] and he said “yes” and indeed he dared not do anything else.’ The marriage, which probably occurred in late 1068 at Dunfermline in Fife, finally secured King Malcolm’s active sponsorship for Edgar’s cause and his plans to invade England.

  It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of this single event for subsequent Scottish history. Its importance, however, did not lie in the introduction of English and Continental culture and manners into Alba, despite the emphasis placed on this by Margaret’s contemporary biographer and later historians. It was important because it placed Malcolm III, King of Alba and his descendants and successors at the very centre of political events not only in Britain but across the Channel. He had been transformed almost overnight from a fairly minor figure of no more than regional importance into one of the key players in Western European politics. The activities of King Malcolm would no longer be restricted to skirmishes over border adjustments in Northumbria and Cumberland but would involve the future of the English kingdom itself. It was an amazing transformation with unlimited potential achieved by an obscure king on the edge of the civilised world.

  The marriage allied Malcolm to Edgar Atheling, the sole legitimate claimant to the English throne. Although Edgar was currently a landless exile, the same had once been true of King Malcolm himself and of Edgar’s uncle, Edward the Confessor. Malcolm had returned from exile to secure his birthright and Edward had survived the Danish conquest to claim his throne. There was every reason to suppose that Edgar would survive the Norman Conquest to recover his kingdom in a similar fashion. It is important to remember that in 1068 Norman rule was still far from secure and remained restricted to the area of southern England within the immediate reach of their military forces. A single defeat or the death of one man might end it all as it had for King Harold II at Hastings. Malcolm was the brother-in-law of the future king of England and would no doubt receive an approp
riate reward in due course. At the very least, he might expect territorial concessions, in Northumbria perhaps. The possibilities open to Malcolm seemed endless: Edgar might be restored to the English throne with Malcolm’s support; Edgar might be installed as ruler of Northumbria and Mercia with William holding on to Wessex – the result of other disputes over the kingship; or Edgar might be installed as ruler of an independent Northumbria. If any of these possibilities transpired, Edgar would be in a position to reward Malcolm for his support with money or territory. He might also be expected to maintain good relations with his brother-in-law, providing Malcolm with a secure border.

  There were also other more distant possibilities that must have occurred to Malcolm. If Edgar was killed or died childless, then Malcolm and Margaret would hold the future of the English claim in their hands, through their descendants. They would carry the claim of the old English dynasty descended from Alfred into the future. The children of Malcolm and Margaret would not be named in Gaelic and, in the case of the sons, after earlier kings of Alba. They were named, uniquely at the time, in English and, in the case of the sons, after previous English monarchs – Edward, Edgar, Aethelred and Edmund. The purpose was clearly to emphasise their English royal heritage. It was not the result of any whim or fashion or Margaret’s supposedly dominant personality. The royal couple were preparing a dynasty to assume the rule of the English kingdom at some future date. It is possible that a more immediate result of the marriage may have been the agreement of Edgar to the restoration of Cumberland to Malcolm. It certainly fell into his hands sometime after 1066 and before 1070. It may have been offered in lieu of a dowry for Margaret, since Edgar may not have been in a position to offer anything more substantial at the time.