The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict
Page 40
The only time that the eastern part of Jerusalem was exclusively Arab was between 1949 and 1967, and that was because Jordan occupied the area and forcibly expelled all the Jews.
Religion and Politics Mix
The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles (DoP)—signed on September 13, 1993—leaves open the status of Jerusalem. The two sides agreed on interim autonomy for the Palestinians, the creation of a Palestinian Authority (PA), the election of a Palestinian Council, and the redeployment of Israeli military forces in the West Bank and Gaza. Jerusalem, however, was specifically excluded from all these arrangements.
It was also decided that during the interim period, the Palestinian Council would have no jurisdiction over issues to be determined in the final status negotiations, including Jerusalem. It was explicitly agreed that the power of the PA would extend only over those parts of the West Bank and Gaza that were transferred to its authority, to the exclusion of those areas to be discussed in the permanent status negotiations, including Jerusalem and the Israeli settlements.
The agreement also says that the final status will be based on UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, neither of which mentions Jerusalem (see Chapters 15 and 16). In fact, the U.S. ambassador who helped draft Resolution 242, Arthur Goldberg, said it “in no way refers to Jerusalem, and this omission was deliberate…. Jerusalem was a discrete matter, not linked to the West Bank.”
Hopes for Their Flag
Other than this agreement to discuss Jerusalem during the final negotiating period, Israel conceded nothing else regarding the status of the city during the interim period. Israel retains the right to build anywhere it chooses in Jerusalem and continues to exercise sovereignty over the undivided city. Nothing in the agreements that Israel and the PA have signed so far changes those conditions.
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Sage Sayings
Anyone who relinquishes a single inch of Jerusalem is neither an Arab nor a Muslim.
—Yasser Arafat
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The PLO did not concede its claim that Jerusalem should be the capital of an independent state. The day the agreement with Israel was signed, Yasser Arafat declared that the Palestinian flag “will fly over the walls of Jerusalem, the churches of Jerusalem, and the mosques of Jerusalem.”
For Jews: Not Negotiable?
Jerusalem is one issue on which the views of the Israelis are unanimous: the city must remain the undivided capital of Israel. Still, efforts have been made to find some compromise that could satisfy Palestinian interests.
One proposal would allow the Palestinians to claim the city as their capital without Israel sacrificing sovereignty over its capital. The Palestinians could establish their capital in a West Bank suburb of Jerusalem, Abu Dis. This would leave Israel in control of the Old City and the New City, essentially everything that Jews care about. The government of Ehud Barak subsequently shocked most Israelis by offering far more extensive concessions during negotiations with Bill Clinton and Yasser Arafat in the second half of 2000. Barak was prepared to allow Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem to become the capital of a Palestinian state and to grant the Palestinians “religious autonomy” on the Temple Mount. Arafat rejected the deal (see Chapter 29).
Congress Versus the President
Only two countries have embassies in Jerusalem, and the United States is not one of them. In fact, of the 180 nations with which America has diplomatic relations, Israel is the only one where the United States does not recognize the capital or have its embassy located in that city. The U.S. Embassy, like most others, is in Tel Aviv, 40 miles from Jerusalem. The United States maintains a consulate in East Jerusalem that deals with Palestinians in the territories and works independently of the embassy, reporting directly to Washington. Today, then, we have the anomaly that American diplomats refuse to meet with Israelis in their capital because Jerusalem’s status is negotiable—but they make their contacts with Palestinians in Jerusalem.
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Ask the Sphinx
Of the 81 diplomatic missions in Israel, only two nations, Costa Rica and El Salvador, maintain embassies in Jerusalem. The rest are in Tel Aviv.
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In 1990, Congress passed a resolution declaring that “Jerusalem is and should remain the capital of the State of Israel” and “must remain an undivided city in which the rights of every ethnic and religious group are protected.” During the 1992 presidential campaign, Bill Clinton said, “I recognize Jerusalem as an undivided city, the eternal capital of Israel, and I believe in the principle of moving our embassy to Jerusalem.” He never reiterated this view as president. Similarly, George W. Bush expressed support during his first campaign for moving the embassy, but also retreated from this commitment after becoming president. Consequently, official U.S. policy remains that the status of Jerusalem is a matter for negotiations.
In an effort to change this policy, Congress overwhelmingly passed The Jerusalem Embassy Relocation Act of 1995. This landmark bill declared that, as a statement of official U.S. policy, Jerusalem should be recognized as the undivided, eternal capital of Israel and required that the U.S. embassy in Israel be established in Jerusalem no later than May 1999.
Some critics argue that congressional efforts to force an embassy move would harm the peace process. However, it is more likely that making clear the U.S. position that Jerusalem should remain unified under Israeli sovereignty would moderate unrealistic Palestinian expectations regarding the city and thereby enhance the prospects for a final agreement. Although successive Israeli governments have expressed satisfaction with the idea of the United States moving its Embassy, none have made it a priority. The issue has remained moot because both Presidents Clinton and George W. Bush issued national security waivers (as provided by the 1995 legislation) to postpone the move.
The Least You Need to Know
Since the days of King David, Jerusalem has been a central part of Jewish prayers, history, and theology.
In 1948, the Jews reluctantly agreed to the internationalization of Jerusalem to win a state at the United Nations, but Jordan conquered the city and the idea suddenly lost its appeal.
Israel reunified Jerusalem during the Six-Day War and discovered that Jordan had desecrated Jewish shrines.
Under Israeli rule, freedom of religion was observed in Jerusalem for the first time in history.
Chapter 25
Arabia and Beyond
In This Chapter
Goodbye Ottoman Empire
Dissecting Palestine
The coming and going of Saddam
Syria’s turbulent history
The Arab states as we know them today are relatively recent creations that were largely formed by the whims of the imperial powers following World War I. Since then, the independent Arab states have fought with Israel and among themselves, struggling with the conflicting influences of pan-Arabism (the desire to create a unitary Arab state), pan-Islamism (the motivation to reconstitute the Islamic empire), nationalistic movements to create independent states, and the dictatorial and imperial designs of individual Arab leaders. Given these forces, it is no surprise that the region has been in a perpetual state of conflict for this entire postwar period.
Space does not allow for a detailed history of every Arab country, but I focus on the major ones in this and the next chapter and how their political orientations affect their relationships with Israel and each other.
A Bad Breakup
Turkey signed a secret treaty of alliance with Germany as the First World War began. The Ottoman army was trained by German officers and was used initially to divert Russian and British forces from the main battlefield in Europe. The Turks had their own agenda, principally strengthening and expanding the Ottoman Empire, which had gradually been weakened over the nineteenth century.
At the outset of the war, the Turkish sultan called for a holy war, ironically, on behalf of Christian Germany as well as the Ottomans. Many Arabs, in particular those in Ara
bia who were outside the Turks’ control, rejected the call to defend the faith—and throne of the sultan—and ultimately chose to side with Turkey’s enemies. The two principal Arab leaders of the Arabian peninsula, Ibn Saud and Sherif Hussein, agreed to ally themselves with the British.
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Sage Sayings
I feel it my duty to state, and I do so definitely and emphatically, that it was not intended by me in giving this pledge to King Hussein to include Palestine in the area in which Arab independence was promised. I also had every reason to believe at the time that the fact that Palestine was not included in my pledge was well understood by King Hussein.
—British high commissioner in Cairo, Sir Henry MacMahon
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Saud, the founder of Saudi Arabia, did not take an active part in the war, but Hussein agreed to lead what came to be known as the Arab Revolt. To secure Hussein’s cooperation, the British secretly agreed in 1915 to recognize Arab national aspirations in a series of letters between the British high commissioner in Cairo, Sir Henry MacMahon, and Hussein. Meanwhile, the British and French reached their own secret deal—the Sykes-Picot agreement—to carve up the Ottoman Empire after the war in a way that essentially ignored the preferences of and the promises made to the Arabs. In addition, the MacMahon-Hussein correspondence had not made clear what was to become of Palestine, and that issue was complicated by the 1917 Balfour Declaration’s promise of the establishment of a national home.
The Arab army was commanded by Emir Faisal, Hussein’s son, with the advice and assistance of the British, notably a Colonel T. E. Lawrence.
Dividing the Middle East
At the end of the war, the British and French controlled the Middle East and had to decide how to divide it, whether to adhere to their secret agreements with each other, and what, if any, role the Arabs and the Zionists would be given in determining their own fate. The Peace Conference held at San Remo on April 24, 1920, formally endorsed the agreements that the French and British had made and assigned them control over large swaths of territory. The French were given a mandate for Syria (to include Lebanon), whereas the British were given mandates for Palestine and Iraq. In theory, these new imperial inventions were meant to be temporary. That is, the British and French were to rule only until the residents of those areas were prepared to govern themselves. In practice, the mandatory powers were in charge of making this determination and could delay Arab independence indefinitely on the pretext that they weren’t ready.
Not all the Arabs were prepared to accept this arrangement, and those in Syria demanded immediate independence and had proclaimed Faisal king of Syria even before the mandate was formalized. This did not sit well with the French, who viewed the nationalist movement as a challenge to their rule. In short order, French forces captured the Syrian capital of Damascus and deposed Faisal, who fled to Palestine.
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Mysteries of the Desert
In the Middle East, almost every country has Islam as the state religion and has theocratic aspects. Most, however, are governed by military strongmen or kings or princes who interpret the laws as they see fit. Iran (not an Arab state) today is the country closest to a true theocracy. Although Israel is regarded as a Jewish state, it has no state religion, and religious authorities have jurisdiction only over matters of private status, such as marriage and divorce.
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In Iraq, revolutionary forces also rebelled against the imperialist plan for their country and the promise for independence that was being reneged. As in Syria, however, the response was swift and overwhelming, and the British quickly pacified the country. To partially offset Arab anger and to assuage the feelings of Faisal, the British offered the throne in Iraq to the deposed king of Syria.
This created a new problem for the British because Faisal’s older brother, Abdullah, had to be rewarded for his role in the Arab Revolt. Because Abdullah had expected to be made ruler of Iraq, he had to be induced to give up his claim in favor of his brother. In return, the British agreed to make him the emir of a new country that they would create for him in the area he occupied east of the Jordan River. Winston Churchill simply created Transjordan from the three quarters of the Palestine mandate that was east of the Jordan River.
Churchill was able to arbitrarily divide the area because at that time “Palestine” was not a distinct and precise region. The Turks had ruled the area almost uninterruptedly for 400 years, but it had never been a single unit. Instead, they divided the area into three separate villayets (“districts”) whose boundaries were altered over the years. Both the Ottoman rulers and the people living there regarded it as part of Southern Syria.
As a result, after the war virtually all the Arabs who were dissatisfied with the creation of the mandate did not demand an independent state of Palestine; rather, they argued that it should become a part of a larger political unit. The ones loudly demanding independence for Palestine were the Zionists, who believed that a homeland had been promised to them by the British in the Balfour Declaration.
From Faisal to the United Nations
After putting Faisal on the throne of Iraq in 1921, the British decided to eschew the route of a mandate and write a treaty instead to assert control over the territory. The importance of Iraq grew with the production of oil in 1930, but the stability of the relationship with Britain was shaken by Faisal’s death in 1933, a year after being given independence. A series of regimes followed, several of which were brought about as a result of violent coups. So long as the resulting leadership remained favorably disposed toward England and loyal to the treaty, the British didn’t intervene.
The beginning of World War II introduced new concerns for the British as many Arabs began to view the Nazis as possible allies against the Zionists, spurred on by the arrival of the exiled Mufti of Jerusalem. Early British losses also raised fears among Iraqis of being on the wrong side of the war. Rashid Ali executed a coup d’état in April 1941, sought military aid from the Axis, and rebelled against the British. The British rushed troops to Iraq and crushed Ali’s forces. The Iraqi government once again returned to its pro-Ally orientation and ultimately declared war on Germany, Italy, and Japan and subsequently became the first Arab nation to sign the United Nations Declaration.
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Hieroglyphics
The United Nations Declaration was an expression of the collective dedication to win World War II and to promote world peace and cooperation. Twenty-six countries signed the declaration, pledging their resources to defeat the Axis powers of Germany, Italy, and Japan.
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Palestine Influences Iraqis
After the war, a surge of nationalism led Iraq’s leaders to seek revisions in the treaty with Britain that would make the country less dependent and reduce the British military presence on Iraqi soil. Attitudes toward Britain and the United States became inflamed in late 1947 after the United Nations decided to partition Palestine. The revised treaty was abandoned, and Iraq sent troops to fight alongside other Arab armies in their invasion of Israel.
Legislation was subsequently adopted making Zionism a capital crime. The 2,500-year-old Jewish community in Iraq, especially Baghdad, soon found life at best uncomfortable and often dangerous. According to Iraqi law, the Jews had to sell their property and liquidate their businesses before they could leave. Many sold large properties for ridiculous sums so that they could immigrate. By 1952, 130,000 Iraqi Jews had fled to Israel.
Rise and Fall of the King
On May 2, 1953, 18-year-old Faisal II became King of Iraq. His government soon began to seek ways to counter the growing influence of Egyptian President Nasser and his pan-Arab movement, which was viewed as a threat to the monarchy. Iraqi officials met with the Saudi monarch and convinced him that he no longer had to worry about the revenge of the Hashemite family for ousting Sherif Hussein from Arabia (which had become the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), but should be more concerned about Nasser. King Saud agreed and a new “
Kings Alliance” was formed that was later enlarged to include Jordan’s King Hussein. Iraq and Jordan also agreed in 1958 to create a federative state to counter the union of Syria and Egypt.
The Iraqi leadership remained sympathetic to the Western powers and became part of their Cold War fight against communism. This led to growing isolation within the Arab world. At the same time, oil production was becoming a more important part of the economy and a source of substantial revenues.
The country’s increased wealth and perceived subservience to Western imperialism alienated growing numbers of Iraqis, including members of the military. On July 14, 1958, Brigadier-General Abdul Karim Kassem staged a coup and executed the king and the other members of the royal family, putting an end to the monarchy. The new revolutionary government declared its commitment to the Arab and Muslim nations and gradually moved toward a neutral policy toward the East and West, though with a tilt toward the Communists.
Iraq Takes a Baath
Iraq’s relations with fellow Arab states remained tense, especially with Egypt, which was impatient with any country that did not see the wisdom of joining its pan-Arab club under Nasser’s leadership. Kassem’s regime became particularly unpopular in 1961 after Britain granted Kuwait its independence and, six days later, Kassem declared that the territory belonged to Iraq. When the rest of the Arab League came to Kuwait’s defense, Iraq was isolated. In 1963, Kassem was killed in a coup.
The new Iraqi regime was associated with the socialist Baath Party. A month later, the Syrian branch of the party seized control in that country. Both were also committed to Arab unity and moved toward a merger with Egypt, but abandoned the idea when it became clear Nasser meant to dominate the unified entity.