[4.1] The Roman consuls passed unhindered through all the intervening region, some of the people offering no opposition and others actually escorting them on their way. There are many difficult passes along the road that leads from Rome to Campania, hemmed in by mountains, marshes, arms of the sea, and navigable rivers, and it was not easy to get through them when they had been occupied in advance by the enemy. They also crossed a river, called the Volturnus, which flows through the territory and city of Casilinum, distant thirty stades from Capua and not less than four plethra in breadth, getting across by means of a wooden bridge which they constructed in three days. They made their way through all these difficulties in order to inspire confidence in those of the Campanians who sided with them and convince them that they had made the best choice, and to inspire fear in those who took the opposite course. [3] When they had advanced beyond the city, they encamped at a distance of forty stades from Capua, entrenching themselves in a lofty position, where they waited and kept watch for the provisions and reinforcements they expected from the Samnites. These, it seems, kept promising them more than was required, but were not furnishing anything worth mentioning, and while pretending to be gathering an army out of every city, were really marking time. [4] The consuls, therefore, despairing of reinforcements from that quarter, and observing that their own forces were receiving no accession of strength with the passing of time, whereas those of the enemy were becoming much more numerous, resolved to set to work. But bearing in mind that a large part of the army was hard to manage and slow to obey the orders of its commanders, as it had shown not only on many other occasions, but also most recently while in its winter quarters in Campania, where some of them had gone to such a degree of madness as to make an attack upon cities, to desert the consul, and to take up arms against the fatherland, they thought they ought first of all to make these men more circumspect by causing them to regard the reproof coming from their commanders as a more terrible thing than the danger threatening from their enemies. [6] With this purpose in mind they called an assembly, and Manlius said: The MS. adds: See the section on Stratagems and Speeches. Concerning the son of Manlius who fought in single combat.
[5.1] (4) . . . but also because they were inflicting many grievous injuries on their friends the Campanians. The Roman senate, when the Campanians made repeated charges and complaints against the Neapolitans, voted to send ambassadors to the latter to demand that they should do no wrong to the subjects of the Roman empire, but should give and receive justice, and if they had any differences with one another, should settle them not by arms but by discussion, after first making a compact with them; and that for the future they should remain at peace with all the people dwelling along the Tyrrhenian sea, neither committing any acts themselves that were unbecoming to Greeks nor assisting others who did so; but in particular, the envoys, if they could do so by courting the favour of the influential men, were to get the city ready to revolt from the Samnites and become friendly to the Romans. [2] (5) It chanced that at this same time ambassadors sent by the Tarentines had come to the Neapolitans, men of distinction who had inherited ties of hospitality with the Neapolitans; others also had come, sent by the Nolans, who were their neighbours and greatly admired the Greeks, to ask the Neapolitans on the contrary neither to make an agreement with the Romans or their subjects nor to give up their friendship with the Samnites. [3] If the Romans should make this their pretext for war, the Neapolitans were not to be alarmed or terrified by the strength of the Romans in the belief that it was some invincible strength, but to stand their ground nobly and fight as befitted Greeks, relying both on their own army and the reinforcements which would come from the Samnites, and, in addition to their own naval force, being sure of receiving a large and excellent one which the Tarentines would send them in case they should require that also.
[6.1] (6) When the senate had convened and many speeches had been made there by both the embassies and their supporters, the opinions of the councillors were divided, though the most enlightened seemed to favour the Roman cause. [2] On that day, accordingly, no preliminary decree was passed but the decision with regard to the embassies was postponed to another session, at which time the most influential of the Samnites came in large numbers to Neapolis, and winning over the men at the head of the state by means of some favours, persuaded the senate to leave to the popular assembly the decision regarding the best interests of the state. [3] And appearing before the assembly, they first recounted their own services, then made many accusations against the Roman state, charging it with being faithless and treacherous; and at the end of their speech they made some remarkable promises to the Neapolitans if they would enter the war. They would send an army, they announced, as large as the Neapolitans should require, to guard their walls, and would also furnish marines for their ships as well as all the rowers, providing all the expenses of the war not only for their own armies, but for the others too. [4] Furthermore, when the Neapolitans had repulsed the Roman army, they would not only recover Cumae for them, which the Campanians had occupied two generations earlier after expelling the Cumaeans, but would also restore to their possessions those of the Cumaeans who still survived — these, when driven out of their own city, had been received by the Neapolitans and made sharers of all their own blessings — and they would also grant to the Neapolitans some of the land the Campanians were then holding, — the part without cities. [5] (7) The element among the Neapolitans that was reasonable and able to foresee long in advance the disasters that would come upon the city from the war, wished to remain at peace; but the element that was fond of innovations and sought the personal advantages to be gained from turmoil joined forces for the war. There were mutual recriminations and skirmishes, and the strife was carried to the point of hurling stones; in the end the worse element overpowered the better, so the ambassadors of the Romans returned home without having accomplished anything. For these reasons the Roman senate resolved to send an army against the Neapolitans.
[7.1] (8) The Romans, learning that the Samnites were assembling an army, first sent ambassadors; these ambassadors, chosen from among the senators, came to the deputies of the Samnites and said: [2] “You do wrong, Samnites, to transgress the compact which you made with us, assuming the name of allies while in reality performing the deeds of enemies. After being defeated in many battles by the Romans, you secured a termination of the war in answer to your earnest entreaties and obtained a peace such as you desired; and at the last you were eager to become friends and allies of our state and swore to have the same enemies and friends as the Romans. [3] (9) But forgetting all this and regarding your oaths as naught, you deserted us in the war that arose with the Latins and with the Volscians, whom we have as enemies on your account because we were unwilling to join them in their war against you; and this last year, when the Neapolitans were afraid to declare war against us, you devoted all your zeal and efforts to encouraging them, or rather compelling them, to do so, and are paying all the expenses and are holding their city with your own forces. [4] And now you are preparing an army, gathering it from every quarter, alleging indeed a different reason, but in reality having resolved to lead it against our colonists; and to these unjust encroachments you are inviting the Fundans and Formians, as well as some others to whom we have granted citizenship. [5] (10) Though you were thus openly and shamelessly violating your treaty of friendship and alliance, we, nevertheless, pursuing the just course, decided to send an embassy to you first and not to begin with deeds before trying arguments. The things which we ask you to do, and the obtaining of which we believe will satisfy our anger at your past deeds, are these: First, we wish you to withdraw the armed assistance you have sent to the Neapolitans, and, second, not to send out any army against our colonists nor to invite our subjects to all your encroachments. [6] If some of you have been doing these things without the approval of all, but on their own initiative, we ask you to surrender the men to us for trial. If we gain these demands, we are content; but if
we fail to obtain them, we call to witness the gods and lesser divinities by whom you swore in making the treaty, and we have come bringing with us the fetiales for this purpose.”
[8.1] (11) When the Roman had spoken to this effect, the deputies of the Samnites, after consulting together, delivered the following reply: [2] “For the delay on the part of our contingent in going to war against the Latins the state is not to blame — for we voted that the army should be sent to you — but rather those in command of it, who spent too much time in preparation, and you yourselves, who were too hasty in rushing into the struggle. In any case it was only three or four days after the battle that the troops sent by us arrived. [3] As for the city of Neapolis, in which there are some of our troops, far from wronging you if we as a state contribute some aid toward the safety of those who are in danger, it is rather we ourselves who seem to be greatly wronged by you. For, though this city had become our friend and ally, not just recently nor from the time when we made our compact with you, but two generations earlier, in return for many great services, you enslaved it, though you had been wronged in no respect. [5] (12) Yet not even in this action has the Samnite state wronged you; rather it is some men connected by private ties of hospitality, as we learn, and friends of the Neapolitans who are aiding that city of their own free will, together with some also who through lack of a livelihood, perhaps, are serving as mercenaries. As for stealing away your subjects, we have no need of such a course; for even without the Fundans and Formians we are quite able to succour ourselves if we are driven to the necessity of war. [4] The getting of our army in readiness is not the act of those who are intending to rob your colonists of their possessions, but rather of those who intend to keep their own possessions under guard. We ask you in turn, if you wish to pursue the just course, to retire from Fregellae, which, after we had conquered it in war a short time ago — and this is the most just title to possession — you appropriated with no show of justice and now hold for the second year. If we on our side gain these points, we shall not feel that we are wronged in any respect.”
[9.1] (13) Thereupon the Roman fetialis, taking the floor, said: “There is no longer anything to prevent, now that you Samnites have so openly violated your oaths to maintain the peace, . . . and do not plan to lay the blame upon the Roman people. For everything has been done by them in according to the sacred and time-honoured laws, both what is holy in the sight of the gods and just in the sight of men, and the judges to decide which people has abided by the compact will be the gods whose province it is to watch over wars.” [2] As he was about to depart, he drew his mantle down over his head, and raising his hands toward however, as is the custom, he uttered prayers to the gods: “If the Roman commonwealth, having suffered wrongs at the hands of the Samnites and being unable to settle the differences by argument and a decision, should proceed to deeds, may the gods and lesser divinities not only inspire her mind with good counsels but also grant that her undertakings in all her wars may prove successful; but if she herself is guilty of any violation of the oaths of friendship and is trumping up false grounds for hostility, may they prosper neither her counsels nor her undertakings.”
[10.1] (14) When they had departed from the assembly and each side had reported its cities what had been said, they drew opposite conclusions about each other, the Samnites expecting that the Romans would move rather slowly, as it is their custom to do when they are about to begin war, and the Romans believing that the Samnites’ army would soon proceed against their colonists in Fregellae. [2] Then they each met with the experience that might have been expected. For the Samnites, while making their preparations and delaying, lost the opportunities for action, whereas the Romans, having everything prepared and in readiness, as soon as they learned the answer given to their ambassadors, voted for war and sent out both consuls; and before the enemy was aware they had set out, both the newly-enrolled force and the one that was wintering among the Volscians, under the command of Cornelius, were inside the Samnite borders.
Fundi, a city of Italy; the citizens, Fundani. Dionysius, Roman Antiquities xv. (Cf. Livy VIII..; .-.)
Cales, an Ausonian city. Dionysius, Roman Antiquities xv. Eth. Calenus, idem. (Cf. Livy VIII..-.)
EXCERPTS FROM BOOK XVI
[1.1] (1) When the Romans were setting out for their last war against the Samnites, a thunderbolt struck in the most conspicuous spot, killing five soldiers, destroying two standards, and either burning or tarnishing many weapons. The thunderbolts (keraunoi) that descend bear a name truly descriptive of their effects; for they are devastations (keraïsmoi) of a sort and transformations of the underlying substances, reversing mortal fortunes. [2] For, in the first place, the bolt’s fire itself is compelled to change its own nature as it rushes down, whether its natural abode is the ethereal space or the region immediately above the earth; for it is not meet for it, in view of its inherent nature, to gravitate earthward, but rather to move aloft away from the earth, since it is in the ether that the sources of the divine fire are found. [3] (2) This is shown even by the fire that we know — whether this be the gift of Prometheus or of Hephaestus — which, whenever it bursts the bounds in which it has been forced to remain, leaps upward through the air to that kindred fire which embraces the whole universe round about. Hence that fire which is divine and separated from corruptible matter as it roams through the ether, when it descends to the earth under the compulsion of some drastic necessity, portends changes and reversals. [4] (3) At any rate, when some such portent occurred also at the time in question, the Romans scorned it, and having been hemmed in by Pontius the Samnite into a difficult position from which escape was impossible, when they were now on the point of perishing from famine, they surrendered themselves, about 40,000 in number, to the enemy; and leaving behind their arms and effects, they all passed under the yoke, which is a token that men have come under the power of others. But not long afterwards Pontius also suffered the same fate at the hands of the Romans, when both he himself and those with him passed under the yoke.
[2.1] (4) “This one thing we ask of you, now that we li prostrate and are as naught, that you do not add to our calamities by any ignominious treatment nor trample with a heavy foot upon our wretched misfortunes.”
[2] “Do you not know that many of our people have lost their sons in the war, many their brothers, and many their friends? And what unmitigated resentment do you suppose will spring up and flourish in the hearts of all the bereaved if anyone prevents them from honouring those who are beneath the earth with the lives of an equal number of enemies — those lives which alone seem to be true honours for the departed? [3] (5) But come, even if, as the result of persuasion nor compulsion or however swayed, they shall yield this point and permit them to live, does it seem likely to you that they will go still farther and allow them to retain their effects and permit them without suffering any ignominious treatment, but, like heroes who have made their appearances for the good fortune of this country, to depart whenever they please, but will not rather, like wild beasts, surround me and tear me limb from limb for having taken it upon myself to make this proposal? [4] Do you not observe that even hunting-dogs, when a wild beast has been driven by them into the nets and caught, surround the hunters, demanding the share of the quarry that belongs to them, and unless they promptly get a share of the blood or of the inwards, follow the hunter snarling and rend him in pieces, and are not driven away even when they are chased or beaten?”
[3.1] (6) Fighting the whole day long, they endured the hardships; but when darkness prevented their distinguishing friends and foes, they departed to their own camps.
Appius Claudius, having committed some error in connexion with the sacrifices, was made blind and given the cognomen Caecus; for that is the Roman word for the blind.
[2] The mural paintings were not only very accurate in their lines but also pleasing in the mixture of colours, and their florid style was free from what is called tawdriness.
The Romans call the ne
w moons calends, the half moons ones, and the full moons ides.
[3] (7) Against the troops who were fighting in the middle of the phalanx, which was widely spaced and lax, those who were stationed here charged in a body and drove them from their position.
The heaven-sent domestic war was wasting away the flower of the state.
Men who bore the offerings and had been honoured with the carrying of the sacred vessels.
A man full of unreasoning impulsiveness who carried boldness to the point of madness, one who had followed his own counsel and had got in his hands the whole conduct of the war.
[4] “Do you then dare to accept Fortune of having managed affairs badly, you who seated yourself on an overturned boat? Are you so stupid?”
Limbs, some of which still needed medical attention while others had just begun to form scars . . .
[4.1] (8) One more political incident I shall relate, says Dionysius, deserving of praise on the part of all men, from which it will be clear to the Greeks how great was the hatred of wrongdoing felt in Rome at that time and how implacable the anger against those who transgressed the universal laws of human nature. [2] Gaius Laetorius, with the cognomen Mergus, a man of distinguished birth and not without bravery in warlike deeds, who had been appointed tribune of one of the legions in the Samnite war, attempted for a time to persuade a youth of exceptional beauty among his tentmates to put the charms of his body at his disposal voluntarily; then, when the boy was not to be lured either by gifts or by any other friendly gesture, Laetorius, unable to restrain his passion, attempted to use effort. [3] When the man’s disgraceful conduct had become noised throughout the entire camp, the tribunes of the people, holding that it was a crime against the whole state, brought an indictment against him publicly, and the people unanimously condemned him, after fixing death as the penalty; for they were unwilling that persons who were of free condition and were fighting on behalf of the freedom of their fellow citizens should be subjected by those in positions of command to abuses that are irreparable and do violence to the male’s natural instincts.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 112
