Socialism of Christ

by Austin Bierbower

  Prudent and cautious in advancing His claim, His disciples are to be "wise as serpents and harmless as doves." Now they are to "tell no man that He is the Christ," or aspiring king, and now to proclaim it "even to all." Never are they to indiscriminately publish His utterances. Some things He did not dare to mention to anybody, because nobody was yet ready for them. "The time is not yet," he says.

  One of His strokes of policy recalls that of Henry of Navarre at the battle of Ivry. When his forerunners went "to make ready for him," and were not received, they asked that the enemy be summarily destroyed ; when Christ, knowing that this would not be popular, said, "Ye know not what spirit ye are of. The Son of Man came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them." Like the tender exclamation of Henry in battle, "Save the French," this course doubtless drew many to His standard.

  There were also on the part of Christ and His apostles manifest aspirations and adjustments as for a kingdom. John the Baptist went professedly in His interest to urge the people to get ready for His reign: "Prepare ye," he cries, " the way of the Lord; make His path straight." His disciples are sent out to preach His kingdom and enlist the people in His name. Feints were made, as at the feast of the Lupercal, a kingly crown being offered Him, which He, like Caesar, did refuse. For, we are told, "When Jesus perceived that they would come and take Him by force to make Him a king, He departed again into a mountain Himself alone." A public entry was arranged for Him in Jerusalem, and a proclamation made, "Zion thy King cometh to thee." His partisans scattered garments in His way, crying Vive Is Roi, " Hozan- nah, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord." His disciples began to squabble for the first places and to ask to whom they should be given; hoping each, that he should get some ministership, lordship; or other easy place. For, says the evangelist, "There was a strife among them, which of them should be accounted the greatest." He, to satisfy them, encouraged them all with the prospect of making them subordinate princes or dukes. "Ye which have followed me," He says, "in the regeneration, (or revolution), when the Son of Man shall sit in the throne of His glory ye also shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel." It was, it seems, to have been a sort of Duodecemvir government after the model of the ancient Roman commonwealth. When the mother ot Zebedee's children asked that her two sons might sit one on His right hand, and the other on His left in the kingdom, He told her that these places were to be given to those for whom they were prepared by His father. And when, in answer to the question, "Are ye able to drink of the cup that I shall drink of, and to be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized with?" they said, Yes, "we are able," He answered, "Ye shall. indeed drink of my cup, and be baptized with the baptism that I am baptized with; but to sit on my right hand and on my left is not mine to give," but intimated that those places were already given out. We are told, as may naturally be supposed, that "when the ten heard it they were moved with indignation against the two brethren" for their ambition; for it was on their part a demand for exclusive superiority which had once been promised to them all equally.

  In general, therefore, it appears that there was a strong monarchical element in the early Christian movement, that many persons expected and some desired Christ to come out openly for royalty, and to be crowned king; and that He Himself at times entertained thoughts of this kind, whether from personal ambition, or a belief that it was for the best; so that, though the original Christian movement was in general a democratic and socialistic one, yet, like all revolutions, there was in it a monarchical element which now and then, partly through changes of opinion, and partly through treacherous betrayal, came to be uppermost and to give character to the cause.

  CHAPTER VII

  SPIRITUAL RECONCILIATION

  I shall next consider the spirituality of Christ's kingdom. For it cannot be denied that, whether Christ contemplated a temporal kingdom or not, He contemplated, at times at least, a moral kingdom. It was His disciples principally, and still more His untaught followers, who expected the temporal kingdom. As a spiritual kingdom was something new, it required much time in which to get the idea and limits of it definitely into the minds of the projectors themselves, and much more in which to get it into those of the people who had to be instructed step by step in regard to it.

  While, therefore, the early Christians did in general expect a temporal kingdom and its emoluments, a different kingdom was in contemplation, either as additional to the temporal or instead of it. This new kind of kingdom, was most likely the special idea of Jesus, notwithstanding his apparent vacillation and the seeming contradictions of the evangelists. Christ's nature was essentially moral, and inclined to moral thoughts and sympathies. He had personally no political instincts or aspirations. What He assumed was forced upon Him by His followers, and by the difficulty of separating the secular from the moral in the idea of a kingdom. He had no fellowship with practical politics, or the tricks and methods of politicians, wire-pullers, lobbies or courts. He could not appreciate the Machiavellian spirit which prevails among such classes, much less descend to their corruption. He had rather the innocent ideas of clergymen, professors of learning, and speculative inquirers after truth. He was theoretical rather than practical, and benevolent rather than politic. Though His precepts for practical virtue were of the highest order, He was only theoretically practical, and was practically theoretical. The religious instincts and historic traditions of His people were strongly implanted in His mind. The governmental idea on which alone He could enthuse was a religions rather than a political

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  one; a theocracy or sophocracy rather than a military or civil organization—a moral or intellectual republic, like that of Pythagoras or Plato, rather than anything like the empire of Pericles or Alexander. He dreamed of something like the Papacy, which, though no less extensive than the most ambitious secular empire, should have its sway in all kingdoms, and its canon law prevailing in all courts, and yet not interfere with them, but only reach, through them, the people in moral matters.

  Such was Christ's original idea of a kingdom, and in this sense He wanted to be king, or, since this was a sort of theocracy, requiring a god, to be god Christ desired to build up the morals of the race into an interest, so as to make them an organized force, on a level with the wealth and intellect of the world, and to make them when thus organized, take the supremacy in the world.

  This idea was further forced upon Christ by the course of events as the only kind of kingdom for which there was room at the time, all the thrones being filled and the ordinary political issues exhausted. For it is a common shift when a party starts out and fails in one undertaking, to change the object and achieve a partial success in a different line. Christ and His apostles had sufficiently tested the impracticability of bringing either their socialistic or monarchical ideas to the throne by apolitical revolution, and yet, unwilling to abandon their project entirely, they turned their attention to the next best thing; a kingdom which required no overturning of the other kingdoms, but which might be successfully established without revolution; a kingdom within a kingdom, which like the present church, should permeate all kingdoms, and wield its influence in them all without being opposed by them, and which being independent of them should be unaffected by their changes, and even survive their dissolution; a kingdom, in short, without end, whether in space or time. Hence He began to distinguish between temporal and spiritual, earthly and Heavenly, this world and the world to come, and between the powers of the two worlds. His kingdom was to be of the other world, His reign of another realm, His laws of another sphere of action, His subjects of another citizenship. His kingdom was to be on the earth, yet distinct from it, His followers were to be ''in the world yet not of the world;" the laws to be enforced were to prevail here, but they were to be of another origin, and of a Heavenly character and purpose.

  With this idea, and with this aim, Christ uttered His words on the subject: which were at once in restraint of the prevailing expectation of an earthly king
dom, and in explanation of the real character of His kingdom. "My kingdom," He says, toward the close of His life, "is not of this world. If my kingdom were of this world then would my servants fight that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now is my kingdom not from hence."

  When the casuists, in order to make Him talk treason or nonsense, asked whether, as a professed king, claiming the allegiance of the people, He would advise them to give tribute to Cassar, He answered, drawing this distinction still more clearly, " Render to Caesar the things that are Caasar's, and to God the things that are God's." He wanted them to give to Caesar the respect and obedience due to a political kingdom, and to God, or Himself, that due to a moral kingdom.

  The respective claims of the two kingdoms, He thought, need not clash; and the duties of their common citizens may be compatible. When, therefore, the wronged heir petitioned Him, saying, "Master, speak to my brother, that he divide with me," He recognized this request as outside of His domain, and answered, "Who made me a judge or a divider over you?"—What have I to do with temporal concerns? And when again the people, according to their several professions, were asking what they should do in the new kingdom, each hoping to be appointed to some political place of preferment, He made answers, which, while they did indeed appoint them tasks in the spiritual kingdom, in formed them also that these tasks were to be done while discharging the common duties of their present situations, and under the present governments.

  To the publicans, for example, who expected to get something better than tax-gathering, He said merely, "Exact no more than what is appointed you," or, "Do honestly the duties required by your present masters." To the soldiers who, like all revolutionists in arms, expected spoils and promotion, He said, "Do violence to no man, neither accuse any man falsely, and be content with your wages." In short, He told them all to keep at their secular employment and in the usual way, the duties of the new kingdom consisting in doing well the duties of the present kingdom.

  He confessed that the revolution, or kingdom, which He was to usher in, was not as radical as they had conceived, or as He and His disciples had been contemplating. Instead of a new social order such as the communists wanted, there was not to be even a republic, or new dynasty; but only some moral changes. We are told, and can readily believe, that the people were roused on hearing this announcement, and naturally asked whether He was the anointed or not. They did not like His platform, and would not, as socialists, follow so despairing and conservative a leader. This was not, in their opinion, the language that became a king who professed to cure their social ills, and establish, if not a community in which they should do nothing disagreeable, at least a kingdom which would give them new appointments and work.

  But Jesus resisted the pressure for a temporal kingdom, and illustrated His position by acts as well as words. When at the height of His popularity it was proposed to crown Him, He refused the honor, it being related that " when He perceived that they would come and take Him by force to make Him a king He departed again into a mountain Himself alone." For, although, as we have said, this conduct may have been a mere feint to feel the way, when He was really ambitious of monarchical honors, or else a genuine expression of His republicanism, yet it may also have been an anti-political demonstration, in favor of a mere spiritual or moral kingdom. At all events He indicated that He did not want to be crowned a king; and His conduct was a disappointment to the people, who expected in Him a temporal ruler.

  Several times He had to remind His disciples, even the most spiritual among them, as John, of the distinction which He would make; and yet He could not make it clear to their secular minds. For John and James, after He had made a special attempt to distinguish between a temporal and a spiritual kingdom, came to Him and asked that they might have the nearest places to Him in the new kingdom, one to sit on His right hand and the other on His left. '' Ye know not what ye ask," said Christ; and He then further explained His kingdom to them.

  And John the Baptist, when He was in prison, and the temporal prospect looked dark, sent messengers to Jesus to ask, "Art thou He that should come, or look we for another ?" thinking, no doubt, that it ill accorded with His kingly pretensions, that His chief minister should lie incarcerated in a dungeon, " Go tell John," said Christ, recalling him from his political expectations to the deeds of mercy which constituted the successful work of His kingdom, " Go tell John what things ye see: the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, and the poor have the Gospel preached to them."

  Christ further enforced His idea of a spiritual kingdom by utterances and acts entirely inconsistent with the supposition of a political kingdom. His officers were to be the least among them, and His citizens were to be childlike. "Suffer little children," He says, "to come unto me, and forbid them not; for of such is the kingdom of Heaven." Instead of shrewd politicians, strong statesmen, and bloodthirsty warriors, He meant to take the poor, the suffering and the despised as His forces, and with them— the weak things of the earth—to conquer and rule society.

  When a scene of triumph was prepared for Him, and He was to ride into Jerusalem as king, He chose to go in a way that was death to royalty and its pretensions. Instead of royal pomp and splendor, with a triumphant chariot and attendants, He came "meek and lowly and on an ass." It was perhaps intended by Him as a caricature of royalty; just as the purple robe and the inscription on the cross were intended as a caricature by His enemies. "Zion behold thy king," is equal to "This is the King of the Jews;" and Christ on an ass is equal to Christ on the cross. As a type of a spiritual kingdom, however, both are equally powerful; the one as

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  an example of unpretension, and the other as an example of suffering.

  When speaking of Himself in contrast with the expectations of Him and of His appearance, He said to those who misapprehended His designs, "What went ye out to see? A man clothed in soft raiment ? Behold they which are gorgeously arrayed and live delicately are in r king's courts." He came, like His messenger John, simple and unostentatious, and like him moved about in a wilderness without property or even a home; and yet, while having not where to lay His head, He proclaimed Himself the chief of a boundless empire.

  In conclusion I will add, that to explain the spiritual as well as the monarchical character of Christ's kingdom, we must suppose, as on inquiry we find to be the fact, that there was an important change in the policy of the early Christian movement, a change by which in course of time the projectors came to abandon their early cause, and to swerve around to a directly opposite position. Starting out as socialistic, the movement became religious; starting out as purely republican, it became

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  monarchical and theocratic; starting out as political, it became moral. In general it was a change from radical to conservative; from a contemplated revolution to a moderate reform.

  This change, which we have already explained, was due partly, as we have seen, to a difference ' of opinion among the original propagators of Christianity, by which in course of time the opinions of a different set from those first controlling^ it came to be uppermost in the counsels; partly to the ill success of the movement, requiring a change of object to avoid an utter failure; partly to changes effected in the opinion of the leaders by accumulations of experience; partly, perhaps, to the temptations of a crown and of royal syne- cures, and partly, no doubt, to the treachery of false friends and of enemies who had entered the cause.

  But whatever the cause, there was a radical change. Instead of that bold, revolutionary position which they assumed at first, when they expected to overturn all society and remedy all ills by a new government, they are soon found counselling submission to existing authorities, and patient working under the old system— the deadliest bane of socialism, which feeds mainly on revolution.

  For Christ, instead of longer encouraging, as He had appeared to do, the publicans to get all property in their
hands for redistribution, now tells them to "exact no more than what is appointed them;" and instead of inciting, as formerly, the soldiers, commune-like, to revel in ihe blood of the citizens and the spoils of the rich, He tells them to "do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely and be content with their wages." In short, He makes such a radical departure from His old supposed position and promises, that the people, on learning it, instinctively ask "whether He is the Anointed or not."

  Later on in their course, the apostles, after they had tried the community and tested the principles of absolute equality and universal labor, became dissatisfied, and said, " It is not reason that we should leave the Word of God and serve tables." Getting ecclesiastical, priestly and pretentious, they wanted to raise themselves above the people, as they have effectively done in subsequent times.

  Christ admits this change of policy Himself, and expressly countermands some of His early advice. After telling His disciples what He had at first proposed, and what, in view of that, He had urged them to do, He says, ''But it shall ;not be so now." "When I sent you without scrip, and purse and shoes, lacked ye anything ? And they said nothing. Then said He unto .them But now he that hath a purse, let him take it, and likewise his scrip." He renounced, in short, His supposed early communism, and advised a re-entrance upon independent and individual life.