The Lost Colony of Roanoke

by Fullam, Brandon

  Carl Sagan focused on this particular problem when he wrote, “One of the great commandments of science is, ‘Mistrust arguments from authority…. Too many such arguments have proved too painfully wrong. Authorities must prove their contentions like everybody else.”1 Historians are no different than scientists in that regard. When they make historical assertions that seem controversial or questionable, they are obliged to provide convincing facts and evidence to support their contentions if we are to take their assertions seriously. In the case of the Lost Colony some (failing to heed either Jefferson or Sagan) have asserted that we should interpret Strachey’s seemingly straightforward phrase, “the slaughter at Roanoke,” in a way that conforms to their own theories about what happened to the Lost Colony. Their assertions, however, stand almost entirely upon the authority of the asserters, and are contradicted by the evidence from Strachey himself as well as his contemporaries.

  A few words should be inserted here about an unappreciated investigative tool (also expounded upon by Sagan), which can be useful in reconstructing a credible Lost Colony narrative: proving that something did not happen. The oft-repeated notion that “you can’t prove a negative” is generally misunderstood and has no real foundation in the real world and certainly not in Lost Colony analysis. It would be very helpful, for example, to know where the colonists did not go when they left Roanoke, where they could not have been when the Jamestown settlers arrived, and what did not ultimately happen to them. “Reasonably conclude” is a more accurate expression to use in this line of inductive reasoning than the mathematically oriented “prove,” as Carl Sagan demonstrated by “reasonably concluding” that there was no fire-breathing dragon in his garage.2 Like Sagan, we can reasonably conclude, for example, that aliens did not abduct the Lost Colonists (a theory that can actually be found on the Internet), yet we cannot actually “prove” it.

  The Internet has been both a blessing and a curse for historical research. On the one hand it has brought a virtually limitless volume of information within reach of a few keystrokes, and along with it, accessibility to previously unavailable documents and records, all of which have been a boon for historical investigators, Lost Colony researchers included. On the other hand so much of the information found on the Internet is inaccurate and unreliable, and this is perhaps even more prevalent when it comes to material related to the Lost Colony. In fact not only is the Internet rife with misinformation pertaining to the Lost Colony, much of the erroneous material is repeated—often verbatim—on one site after another, further exemplifying the dangers presented by the two logical fallacies referenced above.

  The chapters that follow not only challenge the foundations and specific elements of current and past Lost Colony theory, but offer new research into the alteration of the original plan to settle at the Chesapeake, the colonists’ selection of a new mainland settlement location, the options available after Governor John White failed to return in 1588, and the events that resulted in the disappearance of the colony. Also analyzed are the several attempts by the Spanish and the English to locate the colonists between 1588 and 1608, including John White’s dubious assertions that his colony was safe at Croatoan when he finally returned to Roanoke in 1590. An entire section is devoted to the misunderstood information acquired from the Powhatan Indians during the Jamestown years, particularly by John Smith and William Strachey, which led directly to three of the four flawed institutionalized assumptions mentioned above. The troublesome Zúñiga Map is also included in that analysis. The final section examines the claims and possibilities of survivors and the existence of Lost Colonist descendants down through the centuries. All the information presented here is derived from a close examination of the contemporary 16th and 17th century accounts, the historical record, previously unknown or unexamined documentary sources, native oral tradition, and even a North Carolina legend or two.

  Sir Walter preferred to spell his own surname “Ralegh,” but there are at least a dozen other known spellings of that surname employed by his contemporaries. Today’s more familiar “Raleigh” is used throughout the body of this text, unless of course it appears in excerpts from late 16th or early 17th century documents in which case the original spelling is retained. Conversely, the traditional “Croatoan” is used, though one is more apt to see it spelled “Croatan” today, and especially in contexts not specific to the Lost Colony. The use of “Powhatan” in the following pages is intended to mean the individual “king” or chief called Powhatan, otherwise known as Wahunsunacock. Exceptions to this would be its use as a proper adjective as in “Powhatan” Indians, or a plural proper noun as in “Powhatans.” The term “Lost Colony” itself did not come into use until the 19th century, but, since it is the glue that holds these pages together, it is utilized throughout the chapters as a proper noun regardless of its historical context or timeframe. The same is true of “Lost Colonists.” Another term used throughout the book is the original “tun,” a measure of volume applied to 16th and 17th century ships, as opposed to the later “ton” or “tonnage” which can have several different meanings.

  Finally, the evidence and conclusions in the following pages do not pretend to represent the absolute final word on the Lost Colony. There are certainly clues yet to be found through archaeological endeavors, or perhaps in still undiscovered documents in England, or among the 75,000,000 manuscript pages in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, or maybe from some clue in the existing documents that this analysis may have overlooked. The following pages do, however, offer a coherent, comprehensive, chronological narrative based on careful, independent research, undertaken without the slightest allegiance to a preconceived theory. They also suggest that current Lost Colony theory needs to be re-evaluated, and it is hoped that these pages represent a positive step in that direction.

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  PART I. THE RALEIGH YEARS

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  1

  Setting the Stage

  1496–1586

  Raleigh’s involvement in New World colonization is all the more remarkable because of what had preceded it. Prior to the reign of Elizabeth I, the English considered the land mass across the Atlantic to the west as little more than an obstacle which needed to be piloted through in order to discover the fabled Northwest Passage and an all-water access to the valuable spice trade in the Orient. The Venetians had already established control of the trade routes through the Mediterranean, and the Portuguese and Spanish were exploring routes around Africa and South America respectively. For the English the only remaining potential sea route to the Orient was across the north Atlantic and through the frozen Arctic. Up until about a decade before Raleigh sent out the first of the Roanoke voyages, England’s focus had remained on the Northwest Passage, not colonization.

  In 1496 the Italian Giovanni Caboto, or John Cabot, sailing for England, obtained a patent from King Henry VII to search for a northern route to China, which was thought to lie not far beyond the Atlantic. Cabot returned from his first voyage on August 6, 1497, mistakenly claiming to have discovered the “new founde land” of Asia. Cabot’s mysterious second voyage of discovery departed from Bristol in May of 1498, and was believed to have been lost at sea, until evidence was discovered in the 1960s suggesting that Cabot may have reached Newfoundland and then sailed south along the coast as far as South America before returning to England in 1500.1

  The next significant attempt by the English to find the Northwest Passage, by Sir Martin Frobisher, was not undertaken until 1576. Frobisher had been convinced since as early as 1561 that a Northwest Passage not only existed, but that he was capable of finding it. However, it took Frobisher many years to gain sufficient support, financial backing, and of course the license for the venture. In the summer of 1576 Frobisher finally set sail with a small fleet of three vessels, the Gabriell, the Michaell, and a small pinnace. The pinnace sank during a storm, and the Michaell, having been separated from the Gabriell, returned to England. Frobisher continued on with the G
abriell and sailed as far as Baffin Bay before returning to England in October with a captured native Inuit and some iron pyrite mineral samples, which were mistaken for gold.

  Encouraged by the prospects of a great gold ore source, investors formed the Company of Cathay, backed by a royal charter. The new company seems to have been less interested in Cathay, a 16th century term for part of China, than it was in gold. In May of 1577 Frobisher was sent on a second voyage specifically to search for more gold, and he returned in September with 200 tons of ore. Joining the expedition was artist John White, who painted Eskimo scenes, and would become an instrumental figure years later during the Roanoke voyages. A third expedition was sent in May of 1578 with the dual purpose of finding even more of what was thought to be gold, and also of establishing a mining settlement near the source of the ore. Frobisher brought back a huge quantity of ore, but the planned settlement was not established. After several years of failed attempts to extract gold from Frobisher’s tons of ore, the Cathay Company was dissolved.

  In the meantime Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Walter Raleigh’s older half-brother, had petitioned Queen Elizabeth for a patent to search for the Northwest Passage to “Cathaia,” and by 1574 he had revised his treatise titled A discourse of a discouerie for a new passage to Cataia. Gilbert’s Discourse is remarkable, not for its arguments in support of the discovery of the Northwest Passage, but for its early proposal to colonize the New World. Gilbert wrote,

  Also we might inhabite some parte of those Countreys, and settle there suche needie people of our Countrie, which now trouble the common welth, and through want here at home, are inforced to commit outragious offences, whereby they are dayly consumed with the Gallowes. Moreouer, we might from all the aforesaid places, haue a yerely retourne, inhabiting for our staple some conuenient place of America, about Sierra Neuada [reference to Coronado’s 1540–2 expedition through the Southwest], or some other part, wheras it shal seeme best for the shortening of the voyage.2

  On June 11, 1578, the queen granted Letters Patent to Gilbert authorizing him to discover and colonize a location on the coast of North America, but there was no mention of the Northwest Passage. By September 1578, Gilbert had assembled a large ten-vessel fleet for the colonization venture, one of the ships being the Falcon, with Walter Raleigh as captain and Simon Fernandez as master and pilot. However, bad weather, inadequate provisions, poor timing, and leaking ships thwarted his several attempts to cross the Atlantic in late 1578 and early 1579. Gilbert probably regretted his recommendation in the Discourse about the type of “needie people” to be used for colonization, because quarrels and dissention aboard the ships were also constant problems.

  In late 1579 Gilbert sent the small 8 tun Squirrel and a crew of ten commanded by Simon Fernandez on a reconnaissance across the Atlantic. It is not known what part of the coastline Fernandez scouted, but the voyage was accomplished in a remarkable three months. By 1581 Gilbert was once again making preparation for a voyage to America and by June of 1583 he had assembled five ships at Plymouth: the flagship Delight, the Bark Raleigh owned and commanded by Walter Raleigh, the Golden Hind, the Swallow, and the Squirrel, which had made the reconnaissance voyage a few years earlier.

  The fleet sailed on June 11, but the voyage was once again marked by dissention and poor planning. In addition sickness had spread among the crews, forcing the Bark Raleigh to return to England. Nevertheless, the remaining ships managed to cross the north Atlantic and on the morning of August 5 Gilbert and his men went ashore at St. John’s, where in a formal ceremony he read his royal patent and took possession of Newfoundland in the name of the queen. His intention was to establish the first English colony in America, but the coastal area at St. John’s was not deemed to be a suitable location for a settlement, and so he headed southward in search of a better site. After the Delight ran aground and broke up, taking with her most of the expedition’s supplies and the crew, Gilbert was forced to return to England with the intention of completing the colonization effort the following year, before his charter expired. Despite advice to the contrary, Gilbert chose to sail aboard the Squirrel on the return voyage. On September 9 the small vessel sank in stormy weather near the Azores and all aboard perished.

  Since Raleigh was clearly involved with his half-brother Gilbert in England’s first colonization effort, one wonders what role he would have played if Gilbert had lived. Given Gilbert’s possession of Newfoundland and his intention to establish a colony there in 1584, it can reasonably be concluded that Raleigh would have played a part in that enterprise, although very likely a less prominent one than he would eventually play farther south. Upon Humphrey Gilbert’s death the Newfoundland patent was given to his brother Adrian, who continued to search Newfoundland for precious metals and an all-water route to Asia. Newfoundland would not be permanently settled by Englishmen until John Guy arrived at Cuper’s Cove with thirty-nine colonists more than a quarter-century later.

  On March 25, 1584, Queen Elizabeth conferred new Letters Patent to Sir Walter Raleigh “to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories … within the space of two hundreth leagues … not actually possessed of any Christian Prince, nor inhabited by Christian People….”3 The royal charter provided Raleigh with the legal entitlement for colonizing the New World, but—like Gilbert’s charter—it was contingent upon actually establishing a permanent colony, and would otherwise expire after “sixe yeeres and no more.” Raleigh’s rights extended 200 leagues—600 miles—to the north and south of his settlement. Since Humphrey Gilbert had already claimed Newfoundland for the crown and Adrian Gilbert would soon be actively exploring there, Raleigh chose to look farther south along the Atlantic coast for settlement opportunities. It is very likely that thirty-five degrees north latitude or thereabouts was pre-selected at this time as a target location for a new settlement. Both Gilbert’s and Raleigh’s patents included the 200 league restriction, and 35 degrees north latitude was approximately 1,200 miles or 400 leagues from Newfoundland, thus fulfilling the 200 league separation requirement for both patents. Raleigh employed his former Falcon pilot, Simon Fernandez, for the new venture at this time, since Fernandez had more knowledge of that part of the coast than any other pilot in England.

  Raleigh wasted little time. On April 27, 1584, he sent Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe “with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals” on a reconnaissance voyage to America in search of a suitable settlement location. Unlike Gilbert’s North Atlantic course to Newfoundland, Amadas and Barlowe sailed the known route south to the Canary Islands and then across the Atlantic, finally arriving at the islands in the West Indies on June 10, where, “hauing refreshed our selues with sweet water, and fresh victuall,” they continued up the Atlantic coast. On July 13 they landed along the Outer Banks and took “possession of the same, in the right of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie,” at Wokokon according to Hakluyt, which was very close to thirty-five degrees north latitude (35.0861°). Three days later at Roanoke the Englishmen made first contact with a native Algonquian, “And after he had spoken of many things not vnderstood by vs, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the ships, and gaue him a shirt, a hat and some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very wel….”4 Shortly thereafter the Algonquian returned to his own small boat and “fell to fishing,” catching more than enough to share with all the English in both ships, a tradition author Seth Mallios defines as a strict “gift-exchange system” common in many Indian cultures.5 The following day the king’s brother Granganimeo arrived with forty or fifty men and more gifts were exchanged, which, according to historian David Beers Quinn, “meant, from the Indian side, that relations had now been formally established and the parties could treat each other as equals.”6

  The English were able to learn that the king, Wingina, was recovering at a village six days away from wounds he had received in “mortall warre” with tribes farther south. Th
e English also learned that “the king is called Wingina, the countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Maiestie Virginia.” According to Barlowe, the soil at Wingandacoa “is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholsome of all the worlde.” As for the trees, “there were aboue fourteene seuerall sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their vnderwoods are Bayes and such like: they haue those Okes that we haue, but farre greater and better.”7

  Although the published account of the Amadas-Barlowe reconnaissance was most likely edited to present a favorable picture to potential colonists and investors in England, relations seem to have remained cordial between the English and the natives at Wingandacoa. Some of the men visited the village at the north end of the island called Roanoke where, Barlowe wrote, “We were entertained with all loue and kindnesse, and with as much bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly deuise.”8 Many more gifts were exchanged during their approximately one month stay, and the English learned much concerning the local customs and beliefs and about the neighboring territories and tribes. In mid–August Amadas and Barlowe departed for England, taking with them “two of the Sauages being lustie men, whose names were Wanchese and Manteo,”9 each of whom would take different paths in the years to come.