Sky Masters pm-2

by Dale Brown

  “We are not seeking conquest, only stability for my coun try, ” Tang said. “We see the unrest in the Philippines as extremely injurious to Chinese trade, foreign relations, and social and political stability in our own country. As you know, gentlemen, the Philippines has many ethnic Chinese in its population, as well as loyal supporters of the world socialist movement, all of whom have suffered in past years. If we fail to support Communist leaders overseas and allow those with common beliefs and heritage to be slain and dominated by others, how would my government appear in the eyes of its own people?” Danahall, Cesare, and Kellogg refrained from replying or voicing their outrage at Tang’s flamboyant, rhetorical remarks. Finally, after all these weeks of waiting, all these days of threats of military conflict, the Chinese were going to get around to their demands-it would not be useful at this point to interrupt, no matter how offbeat or disagreeable his words were. “We are also very concerned about other problems in the South China Sea region, namely the dispute over the Spratly Islands and Palawan. China has claimed possession of those islands for hundreds of years; we feel we have the right to develop those islands, all of those islands, as we see fit. The current inequitable division of the Spratly Islands will no doubt cause much bloodshed in the future. “The Philippine island of Palawan also once belonged to China, as evidenced by the large number of ethnic Chinese living there.” Tang paused knowingly, making eye contact with the Americans before him, and said, “If Chinese claims to the Spratly Islands and Palawan could be resolved in a way favorable to all concerned, perhaps a way might be found to avert disaster and bloodshed.” So that was it, Danahall thought: China wanted the Spratly Islands and Palawan. Danahall and his staff had had to do some serious cramming in recent days to reacquaint themselves with those two island chains that China seemed ready to go to war over. And, historically, Tang was right-several hundred years ago, before European explorers ventured to the Orient in large numbers, Chinese merchantmen, fishermen, and refugees did populate most of the islands in the South China Sea, including the Spratlys and most of the Philippines. Like the Spratlys, Palawan had been occupied and claimed by many Asian, Polynesian, and European nations over the centuries. At least a dozen countries had claims for these rugged, dangerous islands. But all that was rather ancient history. China might have a fairly solid claim to the Spratly Islands-which they had already reportedly traded to Vietnam, at least for the time being-but whether they had any modern claim to Palawan was another thing entirely. What possible use China had for Palawan was a mystery to Danahall. The island was mountainous, sparsely populated, and useless as a shipping or trading port because of its proximity to the “Dangerous Ground, ” the shallow waters of the South China Sea, so hazardous to commercial freighters. It might make a strategic air-base location from which to threaten islands and waters belonging to other ASEAN countries, but even that was doubtful. Was this some sort of new manifest destiny for China-or a cover for something else. . .? “I think negotiations over these two areas of concern are important and can be implemented immediately, Mr. Ambassador, ” Secretary Danahall said. “Of course, other affected nations will have to participate-and an immediate cessation of all hostilities must be declared “If that can include Samar and his Moslem rebel militia, I agree wholeheartedly, Mr. Secretary, ” Tang replied. “I think we can be helpful in securing Vice President Samar’s cooperation, ” Frank Kellogg said, “but it would be a waste of time to try to begin negotiations without first calling for an immediate cease-fire and a pullback of all forces . . “If we can receive assurances that your naval and air forces will not try to fortify or assist the Samar rebels, and promise not to attack any Chinese forces at any time, a cease-fire might be possible. But it would be supercilious for us to abandon our agreement with President Teguina and simply leave him alone and unprotected without first guaranteeing that his government will remain intact during our negotiations. Now, if Samar’s rebel forces would give up their hold on the city of Davao and the Samar International Airport, perhaps my government would be more amenable to encouraging a dialogue with the Philippine government.” This time all the Americans paused. They were afraid this might happen. Promising not to attack Chinese forces was no problem-the President didn’t want to do it in any case-but they knew that Davao was the last pin keeping the Philippines from falling apart. If Samar’s people abandoned the city, the Philippines would fall forever-if not to the Chinese, then to Teguina’s Communists. Samar might be a Moslem, but he also believed in a unified Philippines. It was obvious that Teguina believed in nothing but himself and his power. Tang was asking assistance from the U.S. government to destroy the last obstruction to total domination by the Communists. “I think that discussion can wait for more detailed negotiations between our representatives, ” Danahall said-he didn’t want to encourage him with even a veiled “maybe, ” but he didn’t want to indicate that it was out of the question, either. “We’re getting ahead of ourselves here. Let’s get our respective governments to agree on an immediate cease-fire first…” But Tang recognized Danahall’s hesitation and had obviously concluded that the Americans would agree to nothing here. “Why do you support this Moslem Samar?” Tang asked. “He is nothing but a rabble-rouser. He is a definite hindrance to peace, Mr. Secretary. He is not deserving of your country’s support.”

  “We support a peaceful solution to this crisis, Mr. Ambassador…”

  “I truly hope so, Mr. Secretary, ” Tang said. “It appears to my government, however, that the United States wishes to regain its lost military dominance in the Philippines. You are aligning yourself with a traitor and criminal, blinding your citizens to Samar’s violent and revolutionary past, in an obvious attempt to gain some sort of legitimacy for a military invasion of your own. That is not the way to solve this crisis, sir.”

  “There are those who feel that China is trying to exert its influence in the region by the use of force, ” Kellogg said, “and that you will stop at nothing to achieve it. They fear China may use another nuclear weapon to obliterate Samar’s militia. Tang bristled at the mention of the word “nuclear, ” and the Americans knew that the meeting was at an end. He rose to his feet, his hands still folded before him; his face was just as impassive and expressionless as ever. “I believe we have discussed all pertinent topics. With your permission, we will deliver your messages to my government with all speed.”

  “Include this message, Mr. Ambassador, ” Danahall said coldly. “If the United States detects any further activity in the Davao Gulf or on Mindanao to suggest that Chinese troops are moving to take the city of Davao, its airport, or the towns around the northern part of the Davao Gulf or delta, the United States will consider that a hostile act against an ally and will respond appropriately.” Danahall and the others rose. “Good day, Mr. Ambassador.” Danahall kept his fingertips on the table, without extending a hand. Tang gave a short bow, as did his interpreter and assistant, and they departed. “God, I must be getting old, ” Danahall said. He dropped into a chair, letting Kellogg take his desk back. “I can’t sell it like I used to.” Kellogg’s outer office phone buzzed. “Yes?”

  “Staff meeting in five minutes, sir, ” his secretary said. Kellogg acknowledged the call and hung up. The message was a simple code to let them all know that the Secret Service wanted to come in to sweep the office, hallways, and anterooms for newly planted listening devices before the men began talking about anything of substance. “I wanted to avoid giving the man a damned ultimatum, and that’s exactly what I ended up giving him, ” Danahall said. “Dumb…”

  “I’m sorry I mentioned the ‘N’ word, ” Kellogg said. “I guess I’ll never make much of a diplomat.”

  “We’re all thinking about it, and he knew it. It had to come out sooner or later.” Danahall paused, then said, “But I think he did leave us a few cracks we can explore-not very big cracks, but at least it’s something to work on. “I hope something happens in the next twenty-four hours, ” Kellogg said grimly as they stood t
o allow the Secret Service to begin their work, “because otherwise I think the diplomatic side has just run its course.” SANTA CRUZ CHANNEL, NEAR THE CITY OF ZAMBOANGA THE PHILIPPINES SUNDAY, 9 OCTOBER 1994, 0715 HOURS LOCAL aboard the Chinese Liberation Army Navy destroyer ong Lung for the day watch and flag staff began at five A.M. with reveille shortly before sunrise, prayers for those who were so inclined (Admiral Yin Po L’un, and therefore most of his flag staff, were not), a thirty-minute exercise period, cleanup, and breakfast, which usually consisted of chicken or fish soup, rice, tea, and hard candy or caramel squares for the enlisted men. Morning inspection began at six-fifteen, and the reports from each section aboard ship were received by the captain by ten minutes to seven. By seven A.M. the executive officers of each ship of the fleet escorting the Hong Lung reported to the Admiral’s chief of operations, as did the group commanders from the three other naval battle groups in the southern Philippines; Yin’s chief of operations then compiled the morning report for the Admiral for presentation precisely at seven-fifteen. The Admiral first received a synopsis of incoming-messagetraffic from Beijing or South China Sea fleet headquarters in Zhanjiang (important messages would of course have received his immediate attention), then a theater situation briefing and intelligence briefing. Yin’s chief of operations, Captain Sun Ji Guoming, bowed deeply as he began: “Sir, I am pleased to provide you with the following theater briefing summary at this time, updated as of five A.M. local time: “The primary threat to People’s Liberation Army Navy’s forces involved in the Philippines conflict currently is the United States Navy’s aircraft carrier Independence battle group from Japan operating in the Luzon Strait, the U.S. Army Twenty-fifth Infantry Division deployed to Guam, elements of the U.S. Marine Corps Third Marine Amphibious Force mobilized on Okinawa and deployed with the Independence carrier battle group, and the deployment of the Air Force First Air Battle Wing to Andersen Air Force Base on Guam. It is important to point out that these all represent partial deployments of each unit, with approximately thirty to forty percent held in reserve at their home bases. “Major elements of the U.S. Army’s Twenty-fifth Infantry Division were recently relocated to Andersen Air Force Base from Hawaii, with approximately eight thousand troops. It is designed to be a light, quickly deployable force. Our intelligence estimates state, however, that insufficient air or sealift capability exists to move this force from Guam to the Philippines with any speed. However, if they did move this force, we would oppose them with twice the number of infantry troops already in place on Mindanao and four times the number on Luzon and other areas of the Philippines. Elements of the Second Infantry Division in South Korea and Japan have also been mobilized, but we estimate they are still several days from being called into action and at least a week after that to see action in the Philippines. “The Third Marine Division and elements of the First Marine Aircraft Wing have been deployed with the Independence carrier battle group, which is now stationed offshore approximately sixty kilometers northeast of Y’ami Island in the Luzon Strait; this is approximately three hundred and fifty kilometers north of the Philippines. In our estimation, the carrier battle group is not in position to strike into Luzon at this time, al though they can be in position to strike with their aircraft within twenty-four hours and in position to begin ground operations on Luzon within forty-eight to seventy-two hours; this is what is currently driving our threat condition status throughout the People’s Liberation Army. The total American naval force includes approximately sixteen warships, ten support ships, four to six submarines-perhaps more, the exact number is uncertain-twenty fighter aircraft, and fifty fixedwing strike aircraft. “The Fifth Marine Pre-positioning Force from Hawaii has been activated and is deployed in the Philippine Sea with approximately five thousand Marines and forty helicopters, including the MV-22 tilt-rotor transport aircraft that was apparently used in the rescue of Samar and the American pilot on Mindanao. This force can strike in the central Philippines within twenty-four to forty-eight hours’ notice as well. This force includes two landing-ship carriers, four tank-landing carriers, and four support vessels. “The greatest naval threat to our forces in the southern Philippines was the Ranger carrier battle group, ” Sun continued. “The carrier itself is still heavily damaged and considered out of commission; it is being towed to Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, and except for vertical takeoff and landing aircraft is unable to conduct any flight operations.” A rustle of approving voices filled the conference room. “However, the latest report has shown that a destroyer and a guided-missile cruiser from the Ranger group are en route to the Celebes from Indonesia and will be within missile range of some of our ships within the next four to five hours. They are being joined by a six-ship surface action group led by the battleship Wisconsin, en route from Hawaii, which our estimates say will be in position to attack in three to five days; these groups carry land-attack Tomahawk cruise missiles. Our embassy has received word that the Ranger’s support ships intend to conduct search and rescue operations for their downed crew members lost in the air battle last week-“

  “They will not be permitted to enter the Celebes Sea, ” Admiral Yin said solemnly. “That I can promise. When Davao has been taken, Group One and Group Two will form to oppose these task forces until additional forces arrive from the mainland.”

  “Yes, sir, ” Sun continued. “This leaves the greatest threat to the southern Philippines task force, in the estimation of our intelligence section: the American Air Force. The First Air Battle Wing currently deployed on Guam reportedly has two dozen B-52 heavy bombers, perhaps eight long-range supersonic B-1 and F-1 11 bombers, nearly a dozen medium-range F-15 supersonic bombers, two dozen F-15 and F-16 fighter escorts, and various support aircraft, including reconnaissance, early warning, intelligence, and aerial refueling aircraft. Unverified reports from our patrols in the Philippine Sea say that the Americans might have sent B-2s as well. “This force can strike within three hours with enough standoff weaponry to devastate large sections of our deployed battle groups. They have been flying reconnaissance flights as far west as Talaud Island, within radar range of our warships outside Davao Gulf. One U-2 spy plane was shot down last night by the destroyer Zhangyhum. we estimate the U-2 was able to get pictures of our vessels in Davao Gulf itself.”

  “It does not sound like much of a threat to me, Captain, ” Admiral Yin said. “Only thirty-two long-range strike aircraft, most of which are over forty years old? I see no substantial threat.”

  “Their medium-range bombers and fighters are also a threat because of their aerial-refueling capability, sir, ” Captain Sun replied. “And we should not underestimate the payload capability of the B-52. Fully armed, they can carry twenty-four Harpoon antiship missiles, which can strike from as far as one hundred and fifty kilometers-“

  “Yes, the heavy bombers are a threat, Captain, ” Admiral Yin said, “but once we secure Davao Airport, we can launch twenty fighters for every one of their bombers. The odds are clearly in our favor. The closest American air base on Okinawa is almost sixteen hundred kilometers from Manila, and the American air base on Guam is over two thousand kilometers from Davao. Even if the Americans were granted permission to use the British air base at Bandar Seri Begawan in Brunei, that is still eight hundred kilometers to Zamboanga and twelve hundred kilometers to Davao-plenty of time to organize our air, ground, and surface defenses. Once reliable radar earlywarning networks are established around the Philippines, no American planes would be able to approach any Chinese positions without being detected…. “The key, however, is our impending attack on Davao. What is the status of our forces and the status of our operation against Davao?” Yin asked. “The Admiral’s headquarters fleet afloat reports fully operational, ” Captain Sun replied. “All vessels report fully manned, ready, and combat-capable, with no operational defects. “The schedule briefed yesterday is still valid, sir, ” Captain Sun continued. “At two A.M. tomorrow morning, Marine paratroopers will land on the coast outside the city of Davao and secure th
e Subasta and Sibuyan highways. Other Marine units will take Talikud Island and seal off the coastal towns of Samal and Bangoy on Samal Island. This will allow the minesweepers to enter Dadaotan Bay ahead of the destroyers and landing craft transports, without fear of attack in the narrow channel.” That was the same objective during the invasion of Zamboanga, when the heavily populated Santa Cruz Channel had to be sanitized before Yin’s fleet could take up positions, except then they had more air power flying from Puerto Princesa and the element of surprise. That was gone now-unlike Zamboanga, Davao was ready for a siege. Many things were different between Davao and the relatively easy siege of Zamboanga. Davao was the heart of the Samar government and the capital of the autonomous proIslamic government on Mindanao. Few officials and residents here were from Luzon-although Davao had as much natural beauty as Zamboanga and was the largest city on Mindanao, with a population of over seventy-five thousand, it was considered an isolated, remote, untamed frontier town and never gained the popularity of its more contemporary sister city to the west. Davao had no large military base, so there was no large-scale government facility from which to stage a “popular revolt.” Nevertheless, Yin was determined to see Davao fall. “By five A.M. the destroyers should be in place, and the LSTs will begin deploying landing craft, ” Sun continued. “The Air Force will move in to soften the beach area, and the destroyers with their escorts and shallow-draft patrol craft will secure the bay and harbors and provide gun support for the landing craft. The landing should begin at six A.M. and should be complete by eleven. Sometime tomorrow afternoon, perhaps earlier, Samar International Airport will be ours. “The Air Force will continue to patrol the area, especially the six private airstrips within fifty kilometers of Samar International-these are known marshaling areas and resupply points for the Samar militia. Army troops should have these areas secured by day after tomorrow, along with the Cadeco River valley. General Yuhan’s forces should have also secured the radar site on Mount Apo and the Cagayan Highway to the north. With the Mount Apo radar site, we can scan the region for almost five hundred kilometers in all directions-we can detect a flock of birds or a group of whales approaching the Philippines. “Once this is accomplished, Group One can begin patrols of the east Celebes Sea and provide escorts for supply vessels entering Davao Gulf. Group Three can begin resupply sorties to Davao via sealift until the Davao-Cotaban Highway is secure or until the area around Samar International Airport is secure and we can begin airlifting in supplies. We have no firm timetable on this as of yet, however. Our best option is to secure the sea-lanes for resupply until substantial numbers of troops are in place on Mindanao-it may take as long as a month. “We can reasonably expect the fall of Davao to split the rebel forces into at least three separate groups, located roughly on the east coast, the southern coast, and the north-central parts of Mindanao, ” Sun concluded. “This will reduce their ability to fight and dramatically disrupt their own resupply chain. We will force them into more and more austere conditions and reduce their ability to fight.” Yin nodded thoughtfully. He was impressed with Sun’s briefing. If Sun had started briefing tactics and weapons, Yin would have been upset and concerned. Tactics and weapons did not win invasion campaigns-logistics won invasions. Everything his fleet and ground troops did ultimately had to open and secure supply lines or the invasion was doomed to failure. They were going to pour thousands of men and millions of tons of warships into Davao just to be able to land a few cargo aircraft at the airport or dock a supply ship in the harbor. Sun’s briefing emphasized resupply-that was the way it should be. If the supply lines were cut, he was doomed. “Excellent, Captain Sun, ” Admiral Yin said, bowing from the neck. “I congratulate you and your staff for a well-organized plan, and I wish us all success. Now tell me about areas in which we are weakest.”