Protect and Defend
Page 1
“ONE OF THE BEST WASHINGTON
NOVELS I’VE EVER READ.”
—San Francisco Chronicle
“The story is as intricate and balanced as a grandmaster chess game, with each move demanding and receiving an equally clever counter move…. Like Advise and Consent in its time, this book is a gripping read that raises questions vital to our democracy.”
—The San Diego Union-Tribune
“This mesmerizing account of the confirmation battle over our first female Chief Justice will change the way you think about the lives, the politics, and the psyches of those who govern….A riveting read.”
—ALAN M. DERSHOWITZ
“Compelling … Well-written … Wholly believable … An enlightening look into the powers that be.”
—Associated Press
“Riveting courtroom scenes … Crackling political drama.”
—People
“A NOVEL THAT MELDS WHITE
HOUSE INTRIGUE WITH
COURTROOM DRAMA …
Patterson [draws his] two central players
with masterful depth.”
—Entertainment Weekly
“Enthralling … Epic, compelling reading … A novel you’re not soon to forget … Patterson has made a stellar career and attracted legions of fans by writing taut, character-driven courtroom dramas…. [Now he] has ratcheted up the stakes, taking on some of our society’s hot-button emotional issues, mentally chewing them up and spitting them out in an engaging, thought-provoking novel of political and judicial machinations.”
—Denver Post
“Gripping … Patterson’s characters of all political stripes are convincingly and memorably drawn. Through their public actions and backstage maneuvers, Protect and Defend builds to a powerful catharsis.”
—The Wall Street Journal
“A joy to behold … Compelling and enlightening … Very important … Envelops the reader with rich details, anxious moments, and the need to know.”
—New York Law Journal
“Powerful … Intelligent, fast-paced.”
—The Washington Post
“ABSORBING … FAST-PACED.”
—Los Angeles Times
“An exhaustive and gripping discussion of the powerful human realities of late-term abortion and parental consent. Through his brilliantly conceived and expertly wrought narrative of the trial, Richard North Patterson has described those issues with unequaled lucidity and vividness.”
—MARIO M. CUOMO
“Absorbing … A particularly robust hatching of an endangered species of literature—the novel of ideas.”
—Newsday
“This gripping story will arouse and hold the reader’s emotions while also presenting for the reader’s intellect, in a very human context, difficult moral and constitutional questions.”
—ARCHIBALD COX
“Resonates and reverberates well beyond the narrow confines of ‘popular fiction,’ just as Allen Drury’s Advise and Consent did nearly a half-century ago.”
—Raleigh News and Observer
“EXCELLENT…
THE PLOTTING IS INTRICATE,
THE WRITING IS ABSORBING….
Patterson keeps getting better. Protect and Defend gets
a big recommendation.”
—St. Petersburg Times
“Protect and Defend is an important novel on passion and politics. Richly rewarding in both story and character, this is a tale that appeals to both the intellect and the heart…. This book is sure to spark heated dialogue in book clubs throughout the nation. Oh, how I hope it will.”
—AMY TAN
“A whopping political novel that is at once suspenseful and informative, gripping and touching. Without taking sides, he dramatizes the passions on both sides of the abortion argument, producing both a compelling story and an accessible dissertation on the complexities of our most troubling social issue.”
—Booklist (starred review)
“A blissfully large-scale political [novel] that’s also an unsparing examination of tough questions about abortion, by an author shrewd and generous enough to give spokespeople of every persuasion their day in court.”
—Kirkus Reviews (starred review)
“Timely, authentic—the plot adds voltage to the word spellbinding. Richard North Patterson moves to the head of the class.”
—The Dallas Morning News
“[A] METICULOUSLY RESEARCHED,
SHARPLY OBSERVED
TENSION BUILDER …
Excelling as both a political novel and a tale of suspense, Patterson’s latest takes a provocative look at the ethics of abortion and the power plays endemic to American politics…. We’re talking major bestseller here.”
—Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“Engrossing … A spellbinding tale that moves the reader … Even an experienced lawyer will be riveted and impressed by Protect and Defend…. It is the best discussion, bar none, I have ever read of the pros and cons of abortion…. It is not possible to read Protect and Defend with indifference.”
—The Baltimore Sun
“In an intimate and personal way, Protect and Defend brings the reader into the toughest and most divisive issue of our time—abortion. The brilliantly interwoven stories demonstrate how even the most powerful can be destroyed by it. A masterful work.”
—SENATOR BARBARA BOXER
“The book’s fictional president, Kerry Kilcannon, is a splendid exemplar for any actual head of state…. This gripping novel thoughtfully examines the issues with which a principled president must grapple in honoring his oath to ‘protect and defend’ our Constitution.”
—NADINE STROSSEN
President of the ACLU
By Richard North Patterson
Published by Ballantine Books
THE LASKO TANGENT
THE OUTSIDE MAN
ESCAPE THE NIGHT
PRIVATE SCREENING
DEGREE OF GUILT
EYES OF A CHILD
THE FINAL JUDGMENT
SILENT WITNESS
NO SAFE PLACE
DARK LADY
PROTECT AND DEFEND
Books published by The Random House Publishing Group are available at quantity discounts on bulk purchases for premium, educational, fund-raising, and special sales use. For details, please call 1-800-733-3000.
For Katie, Stephen, and Adam
with love and pride
I, Kerry Francis Kilcannon, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States …
—THE OATH OF OFFICE
PART I
THE INAUGURAL
ONE
“I, KERRY FRANCIS KILCANNON …”
In a high clear voice, carrying a trace of Irish lilt, Kerry Kilcannon repeated the historic phrases intoned by Chief Justice Roger Bannon.
The two men faced each other on the patio which fronted the west side of the Capitol, surrounded by guests and officeholders and watched from greater distances by thousands of well-wishers who covered the grounds below. The noonday was bright but chill; a heavy snow had fallen overnight, and the mist of Bannon’s words hung in the air between them. Though Kerry wore the traditional morning coat, those around him huddled with their collars up and hands shoved in the pockets of much heavier coats. Protected only by his traditional robe, the Chief Justice looked bloodless, an old man who shivered in the cold, heightening the contrast with Kerry Kilcannon.
Kerry was forty-two, and his slight frame and thatch of chestnut hair made him seem startlingly young for the office. At his moment of accession, both humbling and
exalting, the three people he loved most stood near: his mother, Mary Kilcannon; Clayton Slade, his closest friend and the new Chief of Staff; and his fiancée, Lara Costello, a broadcast journalist who enhanced the aura of youth and vitality which was central to Kerry’s appeal. “When Kerry Kilcannon enters a room,” a commentator had observed, “he’s in Technicolor, and everyone else is in black-and-white.”
Despite that, Kerry knew with regret, he came to the presidency a divisive figure. His election last November had been bitter and close: only at dawn of the next morning, when the final count in California went narrowly to Kerry, had Americans known who would lead them. Few, Kerry supposed, were more appalled than Chief Justice Roger Bannon.
It was an open secret that, at seventy-nine, Bannon had long wished to retire: for eight years under Kerry’s Democratic predecessor, the Chief Justice had presided grimly over a sharply divided Court, growing so pale and desiccated that he came, in Kerry’s mind, to resemble parchment. Seemingly all that had sustained him was the wish for a Republican president to appoint his successor, helping maintain Bannon’s conservative legacy; in a rare moment of incaution, conveyed to the press, Bannon had opined at a dinner party that Kerry was “ruthless, intemperate, and qualified only to ruin the Court.” The inaugural’s crowning irony was that the Chief Justice was here, obliged by office to effect the transfer of power to another Democrat, this one the embodiment of all Bannon loathed. Whoever imagined that ours was a government of laws and not men, Kerry thought wryly, could not see Bannon’s face. Yet he was here to do his job, trembling with cold, and Kerry could not help but feel sympathy and a measure of admiration.
“… do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States …”
The outgoing president watched from Kerry’s left, gray and worn, a cautionary portrait of the burdens awaiting him. Yet there were at least two others nearby who already hoped to take Kerry’s place: his old antagonist from the Senate, Republican Majority Leader Macdonald Gage; and Senator Chad Palmer, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, a second Republican whose rivalry with Gage and friendship with Kerry did not disguise his cheerful conviction that he would be a far better president than either. Kerry wondered which man the Chief Justice was hoping would depose him four years hence, and whether Bannon would live that long.
“… and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”
Firmly, as though to override the old man’s hesitance, Kerry completed the oath.
At that wondrous instant, the summit of two years of striving and resolve, Kerry Francis Kilcannon became President of the United States.
A rough celebratory chorus rose from below. Mustering a faint smile, Bannon shook his hand.
“Congratulations,” the Chief Justice murmured and then, after a moment’s pause, he added the words “Mr. President.”
At 12:31, both sobered and elated by the challenge awaiting him, President Kerry Kilcannon concluded his inaugural address.
There was a deep momentary quiet and then a rising swell of applause, long and sustained and, to Kerry, reassuring. Turning to those nearest, he looked first toward Lara Costello. Instead, he found himself staring at Chief Justice Bannon.
Bannon raised his hand, seeming to reach out to him, a red flush staining his cheeks. One side of his face twitched, and then his eyes rolled back into his head. Knees buckling, the Chief Justice slowly collapsed.
Before Kerry could react, three Secret Service agents surrounded the new president, uncertain of what they had seen. The crowd below stilled; from those closer at hand came cries of shock and confusion.
“He’s had a stroke,” Kerry said quickly. “I’m fine.”
After a moment, they released his arms, clearing the small crush of onlookers surrounding the fallen Chief Justice. Senator Chad Palmer had already turned Bannon over and begun mouth-to-mouth resuscitation. Kneeling beside them, Kerry watched Palmer’s white-blond head press against the Chief Justice’s ashen face. Chad’s cheeks trembled with the effort to force air down a dead man’s throat.
Turning at last, Palmer murmured to Kerry, “I think he’s gone.”
As ever in the presence of death, Kerry experienced a frisson of horror and pity. Chad touched his arm. “They’ll need to see you, Mr. President. To know that you’re all right.”
Belatedly, Kerry nodded. He stood, turning, and saw his mother and Lara, their stunned expressions mirroring his own. Only then did he register what Chad Palmer, whose former appellation for Kerry was “pal,” had called him.
At once, Kerry felt the weight of his new responsibilities, both substantive and symbolic. He had asked the country to look to him, and this was no time to falter.
Kerry stepped back to the podium, glancing back as paramedics bore the Chief Justice to an ambulance. The crowd below milled in confusion.
Gazing out, Kerry paused, restoring his own equanimity. Time seemed to stop for him. It was a trick he had learned before addressing a jury and, even now, it served.
Above the confusion, Kerry’s voice rang out. “The Chief Justice,” he announced, “has collapsed, and is on his way to the hospital.”
His words carried through the wintry air to the far edge of the crowd. “I ask for a moment of quiet,” he continued, “and for your prayers for Chief Justice Bannon.”
Stillness fell, a respectful silence.
But there would be little time, Kerry realized, to reflect on Roger Bannon’s passing. The first days of his administration had changed abruptly, and their defining moment was already ordained: his submission to the Senate of a new Chief Justice who, if confirmed, might transform the Court. The ways in which this would change his own life—and that of others here, and elsewhere—was not yet within his contemplation.
TWO
ON A BLEAK, drizzly afternoon, typical of San Francisco in January, Sarah Dash braced herself for another confrontation.
It was abortion day and, despite the weather, demonstrators ringed the converted Victorian which served as the Bay Area Women’s Clinic. Sarah monitored them from its porch, ignoring the dampness of her dark, curly hair, her grave brown eyes calm yet resolute. But beneath this facade, she was tense. This was the first test of the new court order she had obtained, over bitter opposition from pro-life attorneys, to protect access to the clinic. Though, at twenty-nine, Sarah had been a lawyer for less than five years, her job was to enforce the order.
Today, she guessed, there were at least two hundred. Most were peaceful. Some knelt on the sidewalks in prayer. Others carried placards bearing pictures of bloody fetuses or calling abortion murder. With a few of the regulars—the graying priest who engaged Sarah in gentle argument, the grandmother who offered her homemade cookies—Sarah had formed a relationship which was, despite yawning differences in social outlook, based on mutual respect. But the militant wing of the Christian Commitment, the ones who called her “baby-killer,” filled her with unease.
Almost always, they were men—often single and in their twenties, Sarah had learned—and their aim was to quash abortion through fear and shame. For weeks they had accosted anyone who came: first the doctors and nurses who arrived to work—whom they addressed by name, demanding that they “wash the blood off their hands,” then the women who wanted their services. Before Sarah had gone to court, the militants had effectively shut the clinic down.
Now Sarah’s mandate was clear: to ensure that any woman brave or desperate enough to come for an abortion could have one. But the only access to the clinic was a concrete walk from the sidewalk to the porch where Sarah stood. The court’s zone of protection—a five foot bubble around each patient— would permit the demonstrators to surround the patient until she reached the porch. To combat this gauntlet, Sarah had designed a system: once a patient called, setting a time for arrival, the clinic sent out a volunteer in a bright orange vest to escort her. All Sarah could do now was hope it worked.
&nb
sp; As Sarah surveyed the crowd, she noticed a disturbing number of new faces, men whom she had not seen here before. Their presence, she guessed, was yet another tactic of the Christian Commitment: to use fresh recruits who could claim that the court order did not cover them. But a spate of anti-abortion violence—the murder of a doctor in Buffalo, three more killings at a clinic in Boston—had caused her to look out for strangers more troubled, and more dangerous, than even the Commitment might suspect. It was not the kind of judgment for which her training had prepared her.
Until her involvement with the clinic, the path of Sarah’s career had been smooth and without controversy: a scholarship to Stanford; an editorship on the law journal at Yale; a much sought-after clerkship with one of the most respected female jurists in the country, Caroline Masters of the United States Court of Appeals. Her associateship at Kenyon & Walker, a four-hundred-lawyer firm with a roster of corporate clients and a reputation for excellence, was both a logical progression and, perhaps, a first step toward a loftier ambition—to be, like Caroline Masters, a federal judge. And the only volunteer activity her schedule allowed—enrolling in the firm’s pro bono program—was encouraged by the partners, at least in theory, as an act of social responsibility.
But after Sarah had taken the Christian Commitment to court, she had felt a clear, if subtle, change. It was one thing for Kenyon & Walker to represent a clinic whose principal service was birth control; another when gratis representation crossed over into abortion, let alone an area this dangerous and inflammatory, and which also had decreased measurably the time Sarah spent on paying clients. The Commitment was formidable: its lawyers were the pro-life movement’s most experienced; its public spokespeople the most persuasive; its militant wing—as only pro-choice activists and women in need of an abortion truly understood—the most obstructionist and intimidating.