Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  [11] At about that same time was the regular festival of the Isthmians, which is crowded by an assemblage of all Greece; at that meeting the Greeks, being by nature time-serving, decided that fifteen envoys should be sent to the king, and, because of what he had done for the safety and freedom of Greece, should take him a golden crown in recognition of his victory.

  [12] These same Greeks a short time before had been listening for the breeze of uncertain report, with the intention of following whithersoever Fortune should lead their wavering minds.

  But not only was Alexander himself proceeding to reduce the cities which still rejected the yoke of his rule, but his generals also, distinguished leaders, had invaded many places: — Calas Paplilagonia, Antigonus Lycaonia; Balacrus, having vanquished Hvdarnes, Darius’ satrap, had recovered Miletus, Amphoterus and Hegelochus with a fleet of 160 ships had brought the islands between Achaia and Asia under the sway of Alexander. After recovering Tenedos also, they had decided to take Chios at the [15] direct request of its citizens, but Pharnabazus, Darius admiral, seized those who were trying to turn the rule over to the Macedonians and delivered the city again to Apollonides and Athenagoras, men of the Persian faction, with a force of soldiers of moderate size.

  [16] Alexander’s generals persisted in the siege of the city, reiving not so much on their own strength as on the inclination of the besieged. And they were not mistaken; for a disagreement which arose between Apollonides and the leaders of the soldiers gave an opportunity for forcing their way into the city, an after a gate had been broken down and a cohort of Macedonians had entered, the townsmen, who had previously planned to betray the city, attached themselves to Amphoterus and Hegelochus, the Persian garrison was slain, and Pharnabazus as well as Apollonides and Athenagoras were bound and surrendered to the Macedonians, also twelve triremes with their soldiers and oarsmen, and besides these, thirty ships without crews, and fifty piratical boats and 3000 Greeks serving as mercenaries with the Persians. These last were distributed as a reinforcement of the Macedonian forces, the pirates were put to death, and the captured oarsmen were enrolled in the fleet.

  [19] It chanced that Aristonicus, the despot of Methymnê, with some pirate ships, being unaware of everything which had taken place at Chios, in the first watch came to the barriers of the port, and on being asked by the guards who he was, replied that he was [20] Aristonicus coming to Pharnabazus. They declared that Pharnabazus was already sleeping and could not be approached, but that the port was open to an ally and friend of his, and that Aristonicus would have [21] access to him on the following day. Aristonicus did not hesitate to enter first and ten pirate vessels followed their leader; and while they were bringing the ships up to the quay of the port, the guards put the barrier in place and summoned those who were on watch near by. Since none of the pirates dared to resist, they were all put in chains; then they were [22] delivered to Amphoterus and Hegelochus. From there the Macedonians crossed to Mitylenê. This city had lately been seized by Chares, the Athenian, who was holding it with a garrison of 2000 Persians; but since he could not withstand a siege, Chares surrendered the city after stipulating that he should be allowed to leave in safety, and went to Imbros. The Macedonians spared the surrendered.

  Dareus desperata pace, quam per litteras legatosque inpetrari posse crediderat, ad reparandas vires bellumque inpigre renovandum intendit animum. [2] Duces ergo copiarum Babylon iam convenire, Bessum quoque, Bactrianorum praetorem, quam maximo posset exercitu coacto, descendere ad se iubet. [3] Sunt autem Bactriani inter illas gentes promptissimi horridis ingeniis multumque a Persarum luxu abhorrentibus : siti haud procul Scytharum bellicosissima gente et rapto vivere adsueta semper in armis erant. [4] Sed Bessus suspecta perfidia haud sane aequo animo in secundo se continens gradu regem terrebat: nam cum regnum adfectaret, proditio, quo sola id adsequi poterat, timebatur. [5] Ceterum Alexander, quam regionem Dareus petisset, omni cura vestigans tamen explorare non poterat more quodam Persarum arcana regum mira celantium fide: [6] non metus, non spes elicit vocem, qua prodantur occulta. Vetus disciplina regum silentium vitae periculo sanxerat : lingua gravius castigatur quam ullum probrum, nec magnam rem Magi sustineri posse credunt ab eo, cui tacere grave sit, quod homini facillimum voluerit esse natura. [7] Ob hanc causam Alexander omnium, quae apud hostem gererentur, ignarus urbem Gazam obsidebat. Praeerat urbi Betis eximiae in regem suum fidei modicoque praesidio muros ingentis operis tuebatur. [8] Alexander aestimato locorum situ agi cuniculos iussit facili ac levi humo acceptante occultum opus: quippe multam harenam vicinum mare [p. 62] evomit, nec saxa cotesque, quae interpellent specus, [9] obstant. Igitur ab ea parte, quam oppidani conspicere non possent, opus orsus, ut a sensu eius averteret, turres muris admoveri iubet. Sed eadem humus movendis inutilis turribus desidente sabulo agilitatem rotarum morata etiam tabulata turrium perfringebat, multique vulnerabantur inpune, cum idem recipiendis qui admovendis turribus labor eos fatigaret. [10] Ergo receptui signo dato postero die muros corona circumdari iussit. Ortoque sole, priusquam admoveret exercitum, opem deum exposcens sacrum patrio more faciebat. [11] Forte praetervolans corvus glebam, quam unguibus ferebat, subito amisit: quae cum regis capiti incidisset, resoluta defluxit, ipsa autem avis in proxima turre consedit. Inlita erat turris bitumine ac sulphure, in qua alis haerentibus frustra se adlevare conatus a circumstantibus capitur. [12] Digna res visa, de qua vates consuleret: et erat non intactae a superstitione mentis. Ergo Aristander, cui maxima fides habebatur, urbis quidem excidium ait augurio illo portendi: [13] ceterum periculum esse, ne rex vulnus acciperet. Itaque monuit, ne quid eo die inciperet. Ille quamquam unam urbem sibi, quo minus securus Aegyptum intraret, obstare aegre ferebat, tamen paruit vati signumque receptui dedit. Hinc animus crevit obsessis, egressique porta recedentibus inferant signa cunctationem hostium [14] suam fore occasionem rati. Sed acrius quam constantius proelium inierunt: quippe ut Macedonum signa circumagi videre, repente sistunt gradum. Iamque ad regem proeliantium clamor pervenerat, cum denuntiati periculi haud sane memor loricam tamen, quam raro induebat, amicis orantibus sumpsit et ad prima signa [p. 63] pervenit. [15] Quo conspecto Arabs quidam, Daiei miles, maius fortuna sua facinus ausus, gladium clipeo tegens quasi transfuga genibus regis advolvitur. Ille adsurgere supplicem recipique inter suos iussit. [16] At barbarus gladio strenue i(??) dextram translato cervicem adpetiit regis. Qui exigua corporis declinatione evitato ictu in vanum manum barbari lapsam amputat gladio, denuntiato in illum diem periculo, ut arbitrabatur ipse, defunctus. [17] Sed, ut opinor, inevitabile est fatum: quippe dum inter primores promptius dimicat, sagitta ictus est, quam per loricam adactam, stantem in humero medicus eius Philippus evellit. [18] Plurimus deinde sanguis manare coepit omnibus territis, quia non, quam alte penetrasset telum, lorica obstante cognoverant. Ipse ne oris quidem colore mutato supprimi sanguinem et vulnus obligari iussit. [19] Diu ante ipsa signa vel dissimulato vel victo dolore perstiterat, cum suppressus paulo ante sanguis labente ligamento, quo retentus erat, manare largius coepit, et vulnus, quod tepens adhuc dolorem non moverat, frigente sanguine intumuit. [20] Linqui deinde animo et submitti genu coepit, quem proximi exceptum in castra receperunt. Et Betis interfectum ratus urbem ovans victoria repetit. [21] At Alexander nondum percurato vulnere aggerem, quo moenium altitudinem aequaret, extruxit pluribusque cuniculis muros subrui iussit. [22] Oppidani ad pristinum fastigium moenium novum extruxere munimentum, sed ne id quidem turres aggeri inpositas poterat aequare. [23] Itaque interiora quoque urbis infesta telis erant. Ultima pestis urbis fuit cuniculo subrutus munis, per cuius [p. 64] ruinas hostis intravit. [24] Ducebat ipse rex antesignanos, et, dum incautius subit, saxo crus eius adfligitur. Innixus tamen telo nondum prioris vulneris obducta cicatrice inter primores dimicat, ira quoque accensus, [25] quod duo in obsidione urbis eius vulnera acceperat. Betim egregia edita pugna multisque vulneribus confectum deseruerunt sui, nec tamen segnius proelium capessebat lubricis armis suo pariter atque hostium sanguine. [26] Sed cum undique telis peteretur, ad postremum exhaust is viribus vivus in potestatem hostium perve
rtit. Quo adducto insolenti gaudio iuvenis elatus, alias virtutis etiam in hoste mirator: ‘Non, ut voluisti,’ inquit, ‘morieris, sed, quidquid in captivum inveniri potest, passurum esse te cogita.’ [27] Ille non interrito modo, [28] sed contumaci quoque vultu intuens regem nullam ad minas eius reddidit vocem. Tum Alexander: ‘Videtisne obstinatum ad tacendum?’ inquit, ‘num genu posuit? num vocem supplicem misit? Vincam tamen silentium et, si nihil aliud, certe gemitu interpellabo.’ [29] Ira deinde vertit in rabiem iam tum peregrinos ritus nova subiciente fortuna. Per talos enim spirantis lora traiecta sunt, religatumque ad currum traxere circa urbem equi gloriante rege, Achullen, a quo genus ipse deduceret, imitatum se esse poena in hostem capienda. [30] Cecidere Persarum Arabumque circa X milia, nec Macedonibus incruenta victoria fuit. Obsidio certe non tam claritate urbis nobilitata est quam geminato periculo regis. Qui Aegyptum adire festinans Amyntan cum X triremibus in Macedoniam ad conquisitionem novorum militum misit. [31] Nam que etiam secundis atterebantur tamen copiae, [p. 65] devictarumque gentium militi minor quam domestico fides habebatur.

  VI. Darius, despairing of peace, which he had believed that he could obtain through letters and envoys, devoted his attention to recruiting his forces [2] and vigorously renewing the war. To this end he ordered the leaders of his troops to come together in Babylonia, and Bessus also, governor of the Bactriani, to muster the largest army possible and come down “[3] to him. Now the Bactriani are the most valiant among those nations, of rude dispositions and not at all inclined to the luxurious habits of the Persians; situated as they are not far from the Scythians, a nation fond of war and accustomed to live by plunder, [4] they were always in arms. But Bessus was a cause of alarm to Darius, who suspected him of treachery, because he could not with any patience be kept in a second rank; for since he aspired to royal power, treason, by which alone he could attain it, was feared.

  [5] Alexander, however, although trying to track Darius with all care, could not find out for what region he had made, because of a custom of the Persians of keeping the secrets of their kings with [6] a marvellous fidelity; not fear, not hope, can elicit a single word by which confidences are betrayed. The ancient discipline of the kings had enjoined silence on pain of death. An unbridled tongue is more severely punished than any act of wickedness, and the Magi believe that no great cause can be upheld by one who finds it hard to keep silence, which Nature has decreed to be the easiest thing for a man to do. For this reason Alexander, unaware of everything which was going on among the enemy, was besieging the city of Gaza.

  The governor of the city was Betis, a man of exceptional loyalty to his king, and he was defending strongly fortified walls with a force of only moderate size. Alexander, after examining the situation of the place,” ordered mines to be dug, since the soil, being light and easy to work, was suitable for underground operations; for the neighbouring sea throws up a great amount of sand and there are neither stones — nor sharp rocks to hinder tunnelling. Accordingly he began the work at a place which was out of sight of the defenders, and to prevent their being aware of it, he ordered towers to be moved against the walls. But the same ground was useless for moving towers, since the sinking of the sand retarded the turning of the wheels and broke down the flooring of the towers, and many men were wounded without being able to retaliate, since the toil, which was the same in moving back the towers as in pushing them forward, wore them out. Therefore the signal for retreat was sounded, and on the following day Alexander gave orders to surround the walls with a cordon of soldiers. And at sunrise, before leading forward the army, imploring the help of the gods, he performed a sacrifice in accordance with the usage of his country.

  [11] It chanced that a raven as it flew by suddenly dropped a clod “which it was carrying in its claws; when this had fallen upon the king’s head, it broke in pieces and flowed down upon him, and the bird itself perched upon the nearest tower. The tower had been smeared with bitumen and sulphur, in which the bird’s wings stuck fast, and after vainly trying to fly away it was caught by the bystanders. The event seemed important enough to warrant consulting the soothsayers, and the king’s mind was not unaffected by superstition. As a result, Aristander, in whom he had the greatest confidence, said that the destruction of the city was in fact foretold by that augury, but that there was danger that the king would sutler a wound; and so the seer warned him not to begin an attack on that day. Alexander, although he was troubled that a single city stood in his way of entering Egypt care-free, nevertheless yielded to the soothsayer and gave the signal for retreat.

  By this step the courage of the besieged was increased, and sallying forth from a gate they made an attack on the retreating Macedonians, thinking that the hesitation of the enemy would be their opportunity. But they entered battle with more impetuosity than firmness; for when they saw the standards of the Macedonians turned about, they suddenly cheeked their advance. And already the shouts of the combatants had reached the king’s ears, when, wholly unmindful of the danger which had been foretold, he nevertheless, at the entreaties of his friends, put on his corselet, which he rarely wore, and made his way to the van. On seeing him an Arab, a soldier of Darius, dared a deed greater than his fortune warranted; concealing a sword behind his shield, he fell at the king’s knees, pretending to be a deserter. Alexander bade the suppliant rise and be [16] received among his own men. But the barbarian, quickly shifting the sword to his right hand, aimed a stroke at the king’s neck; but he, avoiding the blow by a slight inclination of his body, with his sword severed the hand of the barbarian which had missed its mark, thus, as he thought, being quit of the danger with which he had been threatened for that day.

  [17] But in my opinion fate is inescapable; for while he was fighting with too great daring among the foremost, he was struck by an arrow, which was driven through his corselet and standing in his shoulder was drawn out by his physician Philip. Then a great flow of blood began, to the terror of all because the cuirass prevented them from knowing to what depth the weapon had penetrated. Alexander himself, not even changing colour, gave orders that the blood be stanched and the wound bound up. For a long time he kept his place before the very standards, either concealing the pain or overcoming it, when the blood, which had been checked shortly before, began to flow more abundantly since the bandage by which it had been kept back slipped, and the wound, which had not yet caused pain while still warm, swelled as the blood grew cold. Then he began to lose consciousness and to sink upon his knees, and those nearest to him took him in their arms and carried him to the camp. And Betis, thinking that he had been killed, returned to the city, exulting in his victory.

  [21] But Alexander, before his wound was yet wholly healed, had a mound constructed equal in height to the walls of the city, and ordered the walls to be undermined by many tunnels. Then the besieged built a new fortification up to the original height of the walls, but not even that was able to equal in height the towers erected on the enemy’s mound.

  [23] Hence the interior of the city also was exposed to missiles. The final disaster to the city was the undermining of a wall by a tunnel, and through its ruins the enemy entered the city. The king himself led the vanguard, and while he was advancing too incautiously, he was wounded in the leg by a stone. In spite of this, leaning upon his spear, although the scar of his former wound was not yet closed, he continued to fight among the foremost, inflamed also by anger, because in the siege of that city he had suffered two wounds.

  [25] Betis, after fighting a gallant battle and being exhausted by many wounds, was deserted by his men, but nevertheless fought on with equal vigour, although his armour was slippery alike with his own [26] blood and that of the enemy. But since he was the target of weapons from all sides, his strength at last gave out and he came alive into the power of the foe. When he was brought before the king, Alexander, usually an admirer of valour even in an enemy, exulting, young as he was, with insolent joy, said: “You shall not die as you have wished, but be sure that you shall suffer whatever can
be devised against a captive.” Betis, gazing at the king with an expression not only undaunted but haughty, answered [28] not a word to his threats. Then Alexander cried:

  Do you not see how determined he is to keep silence? He has not bent his knee, has he? Has he uttered a word of entreaty? Yet I will overcome his silence, and, if in no other way, I will put an end to it by groans.” Then his wrath changed to frenzy, for even then his new fortune suggested foreign customs. For while Betis still breathed, thongs were passed round his ankles, he was bound to the king’s chariot, and the horses dragged him around the city, while the king boasted that in taking vengeance on an enemy he had imitated Achilles, from whom he derived his race.

  [30] There fell of the Persians and Arabians about 10,000; nor was it a bloodless victory for the Macedonians. Certain it is that the siege has become famous, not so much from the renown of the city as for the double danger to the king. He, hastening to go to Egypt, sent Amyntas with ten triremes to Macedonia, to levy new soldiers. For even in successful battles his forces were nevertheless worn away, and less confidence was felt in the soldiers of the conquered nations than in those from home.

  Aegyptii olim Persarum opibus infensi — quippe avare et superbe imperitatum sibi esse credebant — ad spem adventus eius erexerant animos, utpote qui Amyntam quoque transfugam et cum precario imperio venientem laeti recepissent. [2] Igitur ingens multitudo Pelusium, qua intraturus videbatur, convenerat. Atque ille septimo die, postquam a Gaza copias moverat, in regionem Aegypti, quam nunc Castra Alexandri vocant, pervenit. [3] Deinde pedestribus copiis Pelusium petere iussis ipse cum expedita delectorum manu Nilo amne vectus est. Nec sustinuere adventum eius Persae defectione quoque perterriti. [4] Iamque haud procul Memphi erat: in cuius praesidium Mazaces, praetor Darei, relictus sponte amne superato octingenta talenta Alexandro omnemque regiam supellectilem tradidit. [5] A Memphi eodem flumine vectus ad interiora Aegypti penetrat conpositisque rebus ita, ut nihil ex patrio Aegyptiorum more mutaret, adire Iovis Hammonis oraculum statuit. [6] Iter expeditis quoque et paucis vix tolerabile ingrediendum erat: terra caeloque aquarum penuria est, steriles harenae iacent. Quas ubi vapor solis accendit, fervido solo exurente vestigia intolerabilis aestus existit, [7] luctandumque est non solum cum ardore et siccitate regionis, sed etiam cum tenacissimo sabulo, quod praealtum et vestigio cedens aegre moliuntur pedes. [8] Haec Aegyptii vero maiora iactabant: sed ingens cupido animum stimulabat adeundi Iovem, quem generis sui auctorem haud contentus mortali [p. 66] fastigio aut credebat esse aut credi volebat. [9] Ergo cum iis, quos ducere secum statuerat, secundo amne descendit ad Mareotin paludem. Eo legati Cyrenensium dona attulere pacem et, ut adiret urbes suas, petentes. [10] Ille donis acceptis amicitiaque coniuncta destinata exequi pergit. Ac primo quidem et sequente die tolerabilis labor visus nondum tam vastis nudisque solitudinibus aditis, iam tamen sterili et emoriente terra. [11] Sed ut aperuere se campi alto obruti sabulo, haud secus quam profundum aequor ingressi terram oculis requirebant: [12] nulla arbor, nullum culti soli occurrebat vestigium. Aqua etiam defecerat, quam utribus cameli vexerant, et in arido solo ac fervido sabulo nulla erat. [13] Ad hoc sol omnia incenderat, siccaque et adusta erant ora, cum repente — sive illud deorum munus sive casus fuit — obductae caelo nubes condidere solem, ingens aestu fatigatis, etiam si aqua deficeret, [14] auxilium. Idem vero, ut largum quoque imbrem excusserunt procellae, pro se quisque excipere eum, [15] quidam ob sitim inpotentes sui ore quoque hianti captare coeperunt. Quadriduum per vastas solitudines absumptum est. Iamque haud procul oraculi sede aberant, cum conplures corvi agmini occurrunt: modico volatu prima signa antecedentes et modo humi residebant, [16] cum lentius agmen incederet, modo se pennis levabant ducentium iterque monstrantium ritu. Tandem ad sedem consecratam deo ventum est. Incredibile dictu, inter vastas solitudines sita undique ambientibus ramis vix in densam umbram cadente sole contecta est, [17] multique fontes dulcibus aquis passim manantibus alunt silvas. Caeli quoque mira temperies, verno [p. 67] tepori maxime similis, omnes anni partes pari salubritate percurrit. [18] Accolae sedis sunt ab oriente proximi Aethiopum. In meridiem versam Arabes spectant — Trogodytis cognomen est — : horum regio usque ad Rubrum mare excurrit. [19] At qua vergit ad occidentem, alii Aethiopes colunt, quos Simos vocant. A septentrione Nasamones sunt, gens Syrtica, navigiorum spoliis quaestuosa: quippe obsident litora et aestu destituta navigia notis sibi vadis occupant. [20] Incolae nemoris, quos Hammonios vocant, dispersis tuguriis habitant: medium nemus pro arce habent, triplici muro circumdatum. [21] Prima munitio tyrannorum veterem regiam clausit, in proxima coniuges eorum cum liberis et pelicibus habitabant — hic quoque dei oraculum est — , ultima munimenta satellitum armigerorumque sedes erant. [22] Est et aliud Hammonis nemus: in medio habet fontem — Solis aquam vocant — : sub lucis ortum tepida manat, medio die, cuius vehementissimus est calor, frigida eadem fluit, inclinato in vesperam calescit, media nocte fervida exaestuat, quoque nox propius vergit ad lucem, multum ex nocturno calore decrescit, donec sub ipsum diei ortum adsueto tepore languescat. [23] Quod pro deo colitur, non eandem effigiem habet, quam vulgo diis artifices accommodaverunt: umbilico maxime similis est habitus zmaragdo et gemmis coagmentatus. [24] Hunc, cum responsum petitur, navigio aurato gestant sacerdotes multis argenteis pateris ab utroque navigii latere pendentibus: [p. 68] sequuntur matronae virginesque patrio more inconditum quoddam carmen canentes, quo propitiari Iovem credunt, ut certum edat oraculum. [25] Ac tum quidem regem propius adeuntem maximus natu e sacerdotibus filium appellat, hoc nomen illi parentem Iovem reddere adfirmans. Ille se vero et accipere ait et adgnoscere humanae sortis oblitus. [26] Consuluit deinde, an totius orbis imperium fatis sibi destinaretur. Pater aeque in adulationem conpositus terrarum omnium rectorem fore ostendit. [27] Post haec institit quaerere, an omnes parentis sui interfectores poenas dedissent. Sacerdos parentem eius negat ullius scelere posse violari, Philippi autem omnes luisse supplicia: [28] adiecit, invictum fore, donec excederet ad deos. Sacrificio deinde facto dona et sacerdotibus et deo data sunt, permissumque amicis, ut ipsi quoque consulerent Iovem. Nihil amplius quaesierunt quam, an auctor esset sibi divinis honoribus colendi suum regem. Hoc quoque acceptum fore Iovi vates respondent. [29] Vera et salubri aestimatione fidem oraculi vana profecto responsa eludere potuissent, sed fortuna, quos uni sibi credere coegit, magna ex parte avidos gloriae magis quam capaces facit. [30] Iovis igitur filiuni se non solum appellari passus est, sed etiam iussit rerumque gestarum famam, dum augere vult tali appellatione, [31] corrupit. Et Macedones, adsueti quidem regio imperio, sed in maiore libertatis umbra quam ceteri degentes, inmortalitatem adfectantem contumacius, [32] quam aut ipsis expediebat aut regi, aversati sunt. Sed haec suo quaeque tempori reserventur: nunc cetera exequi pergam. [p. 69]