Delphi Complete Works of Quintus Curtius Rufus

by Quintus Curtius Rufus

  [4] For in the woods — and it chanced that they were close to a plain — the enemy hid an armed force, while a few drove flocks before them, in order that the hope of booty might lead Attinas unawares into the [6] snare. Accordingly he, marching in disorder and in loose formation, was following them, thinking only of plunder; but when he had passed by the woods those who had taken post there suddenly attacked him and slew him with all his men.

  [6] The report of this disaster was quickly brought to Craterus, who came to the spot with all his cavalry. The Massagetae, for their part, had already fled, but 1000 of the Dahae were slain, and by their slaughter [7] the rebellion of the whole region was ended. Alexander also, having again subdued the Sogdiani, returned to Maracanda. There Derdas whom he had sent to the Scythians dwelling east of the Bosphorus, met him with envoys of that people.

  [8] Phrataphernes also, satrap of the Chorasmii, a neighbour to the Massagetae and the Dahae, had sent [9] messengers to promise his obedience. The Scythians asked that he should marry the daughter of their king; if he considered her unworthy of the alliance, that he should suffer the leading men of the Macedonians to contract marriages with the great ladies of his race; they promised that the king himself [10] also would come to him. Both deputations were courteously heard and Alexander remained in camp for a few days, waiting for Hephaestion and Artabazus; when they joined him, he passed into the district called Bazaira.

  [11] There are no greater indications of the wealth of the barbarians in those regions than their herds of noble wild beasts, confined in great woods and parks.

  [12] For this purpose they choose extensive forests made attractive by perennial springs; they surround the woods with walls and have towers as stands for [13] the hunters. The forest was known to have been undisturbed for four successive generations, when Alexander, entering it with his whole army, ordered [14] an attack on the wild beasts from every side. Among these when a lion of extraordinary size rushed to attack the king himself, it happened that Lysimachus, who was afterwards a king, being beside Alexander, began to oppose his hunting-spear to the animal; but the king pushed him aside and ordered him to retire, adding that a lion could be killed by [15] himself alone as well as by Lysimachus. And in fact Lysimachus, once when they were hunting in Syria, had indeed alone killed a lion of remarkable size, but had had his left shoulder torn to the bone [16] and thus had come into great peril of his life. The king, taunting him with this very experience, acted more vigorously than he spoke; for he not only met the wild beast, but killed him with a single wound.

  [17] I am inclined to believe that the story which without evidence spread the report that Lysimachus was exposed by the king to the attack of a lion arose from the incident which we have just mentioned.

  [18] But the Macedonians, although Alexander had been successful in his attempt, nevertheless voted in the manner of their nation that he should neither hunt on foot nor without being accompanied by selected [19] officers or friends. He, after having laid low 4000 wild beasts, banqueted in that same park with his entire army.

  From there the king returned to Maracanda; and having accepted Artabazus’ excuse of old age, he [20] made over his province to Clitus. It was he, an old soldier of Philip and distinguished by many exploits in war, who at the river Granicus covered the king with his shield when he was fighting bareheaded, and with his sword cut off the hand of Rhosaces, when [21] it threatened the king’s life. And Hellanice, his sister, who had reared Alexander, was loved by the king as dearly as if she were his own mother. It was for these reasons that he entrusted to Clitus’ faith and protection the strongest part of his empire.”

  [22] And now, after being bidden to prepare for a march on the following day, Clitus was invited to one of the king’s usual prolonged banquets. There, when the king had been heated by an abundance of wine, having an immoderate opinion of himself, he began to boast of his exploits, to the displeasure even of the ears of those who knew that what he said was true.

  [23] But the older men remained silent until he began to belittle the deeds of Philip and to boast that the famous victory at Chaeronea had been his work, but that the glory of so great a battle had been taken from him by the grudgingness and jealousy of his father.

  [24] That Philip, when a quarrel had arisen between the Macedonian soldiers and the Greek mercenaries, being disabled by a wound which he had suffered during that disturbance, had fallen to the ground and could find no other expedient to protect himself better than feigning death; but that he had protected his father’s body with his shield, and with his own hand 26 had slain those who were rushing upon him. This Philip could never bring himself to admit, being unwilling to be indebted for his life to his son. Also, that after the campaign which he himself had made without Philip against the Illyrians, when victorious he had written to his father that the enemy had been routed and put to flight; and that Philip had 26 nowhere been present. He said that praise was due, not to those who had witnessed the initiatory rites of Samothrace at a time when Asia should have been laid waste by fire, but to those who by the greatness of their deeds had surpassed belief.

  [27] These and similar things the young soldiers heard with pleasure, but they were odious to the older men, especially because of Philip, under whom they [28] had lived longer, when Clitus, who was himself by no means wholly sober, turned to those who were reclining below him, and quoted a line of Euripides in such a tone that the sound could be heard by the king [29] rather than the words made out, to the effect that it was a bad custom of the Greeks to inscribe on their trophies only the names of kings; for the kings stole the glory won by the blood of others. Therefore Alexander, for he suspected that the words had been somewhat malicious, began to ask those next to him [30] what they had heard Clitus say. And when they maintained an obstinate silence, Clitus, gradually raising his voice, spoke of the deeds of Philip and the wars which he had waged in Greece, rating them [31] all higher than the present victories. From this there arose a dispute between the younger and the older soldiers. And the king, although he appeared to hear with patience the words in which Clitus [32] belittled his glory, had become exceedingly angry. But when it seemed that he would control himself if Clitus would put an end to the talk which he had wantonly begun, as he did not in any way moderate it, the king became more exasperated.

  [33] And now Clitus even ventured to defend Parmenion and extolled the victory of Philip over the Athenians above the destruction of Thebes, being carried away, not only by wine, but by a perverse spirit of contention Finally he said: “If someone must die for you, Clitus is the first choice; but when you award the prizes of a victory, those bear off the palm who most wantonly mock the memory of your father.

  [35] You assign to me the province of Sogdiana, so often rebellious, and not only untamed but not even capable of being subdued. I am sent to wild beasts, to which [36] Nature has given incorrigible recklessness. But of what concerns me I have nothing to say. You scorn the soldiers of Philip, forgetting that if old Atarrhias here had not called back the younger men when they shrank from battle, we should still be lingering around [37] Halicarnassus. How then would you have subdued all Asia with those young men of yours? That is true, in my opinion, which your uncle is known to have said in Italy, that he had encountered men, you women.” [38] Nothing among all the taunts which Clitus had ill advisedly and rashly uttered had more aroused the king than the honourable mention made of Parmenion. Yet he restrained his resentment, content [39] with ordering Clitus to leave the banquet. And he added nothing else than that perhaps if Clitus had spoken at greater length, he would have taunted him with having saved his life; for of this he had often [40] arrogantly boasted. And when Clitus still delayed to rise, those who had reclined next to him laid hands upon him and with remonstrances and warning were [41] trying to lead him from the room. As he was being taken away, anger also was added to his former drunkenness, and he shouted that the king’s back had been protected by his own breast, but that now, after the time o
f so great a service had passed, even [42] the memory of it was odious. Then he also reproached the king with the murder of Attalus, and finally, mocking the oracle of Jupiter, whom Alexander claimed as his father, he said that he himself, had spoken to the king more truly than his father [43] By now Alexander was filled with such great wrath as he could hardly have mastered when sober. In fact, his senses having long since been overcome by [44] wine, he suddenly leaped from his couch. His friends, in a panic, having not even put down their cups but thrown them aside, arose in a body, their thoughts centred upon the result of the act which he was about [45] to commit with such impetuosity. Alexander, wresting a lance from the hands of one of his guards, and attempting to kill Clitus, who was still raging with the same unbridled language, was prevented by Ptolemy [40] and Perdiccas. Throwing their arms about his waist, they kept holding him back while he continued to struggle; Lysimachus and Leonnatus had even taken [47] away the lance; the king, invoking the loyalty of his soldiers, cried that he was being seized by his closest friends, as had lately happened to Darius, and ordered the signal to be given with the trumpet for the soldiers to take arms and come to the royal quarters.

  [48] Then truly Ptolemy and Perdiccas threw themselves at his knees and besought him not to persist in such unrestrained anger, but rather to take time for reflection; that to-morrow he would manage the [49] whole matter with more justice. But his ears were closed, deafened by wrath; and so, beside himself, he rushed into the vestibule of the royal quarters, and snatching a lance from the sentinel on guard, stood at the entrance where those who had dined with [50] him must pass out. The rest had gone, and Clitus was coming out last without a light, when the king asked who it was. Even his voice clearly indicated [51] the ferocity of the crime which he meditated. And Clitus, no longer mindful of his own anger, but remembering that of the king, replied that it was Clitus [52] and that he was leaving the banquet. As he was saying this the king ran the lance into his side, and bespattered with the blood of the dying man, cried: “Go now to Philip and Parmenion and Attalus!”

  Male humanis ingeniis natura consuluit, quod plerumque non futura, sed transacta perpendimus. Quippe rex, postquam ira mente decesserat, etiam ebrietate discussa magnitudinem facinoris sera aestimatione perspexit. [2] Videbat tunc inmodice libertate abusum, sed alioqui egregium bello virum et, nisi erubesceret fateri, [p. 258] servatorem sui occisum. Detestabile carnificis ministerium occupaverat rex, verborum licentiam, quae vino poterat inputari, nefanda caede ultus. [3] Manabat toto vestibulo cruor paulo ante convivae: vigiles attoniti et stupentibus similes procul stabant, [4] liberioremque paenitentiam solitudo eliciebat. Ergo hastam ex corpore iacentis evolsam retorsit in semet. Iamque admoverat pectori, cum advolant vigiles et repugnanti e manibus extorquent adlevatumque in tabernaculum deferunt. [5] Ille humi prostraverat corpus gemitu eiulatuque miserabili tota personante regia. Laniare deinde os unguibus et circumstantes rogare, ne se tanto dedecori superstitem esse paterentur. [6] Inter has preces tota nox extracta est. Scrutantemque, num ira deorum ad tantum nefas actus esset, subit anniversarium sacrificium Libero Patri non esse redditum stato tempore. Itaque inter vinum et epulas caede commissa iram dei fuisse manifestam. [7] Ceterum magis eo movebatur, quod omnium amicorum animos videbat attonitos: neminem cum ipso sociare sermonem postea ausurum, vivendum esse in solitudine velut ferae bestiae terrenti alias timentique. [8] Prima deinde luce tabernaculo corpus, sicut adhuc cruentum erat, iussit inferri. Quo posito ante ipsum lacrimis obortis: ‘Hanc,’ inquit, ‘nutrici meae gratiam rettuli, cuius duo filii apud Miletum pro mea gloria occubuere mortem, hic frater, unicum orbitatis solacium, [9] a me inter epulas occisus est. Quo nunc se conferet misera? Omnibus eius unus supersum, quem [p. 259] solum aequis oculis videre non poterit. Et ego,, servatorum meorum latro, revertar in patriam, ut ne dexteram quidem nutrici sine memoria calamitatis eius offerre possim!’ [10] Et cum finis lacrimis querellisque non fieret, iussu amicorum corpus ablatum est. Rex triduum iacuit inclusus. [11] Quem ut armigeri corporisque custodes ad moriendum obstinatum esse cognoverunt, universi in tabernaculum inrumpunt diuque precibus ipsorum reluctatum aegre vicerunt, ut cibum caperet. [12] Quoque minus caedis puderet, iure interfectum Clitum Macedones decernunt, sepultura quoque prohibituri, ni rex humari iussisset. [13] Igitur X diebus maxime ad confirmandum pudorem apud Maracanda consumptis cum parte exercitus Hephaestionem in regionem Bactrianam misit commeatus in hiemem paraturum. [14] Quam Clito ante destinaverat provinciam, Amyntae dedit: ipse Xenippa pervenit. Scythiae confinis est regio habitaturque pluribus ac frequentibus vicis, quia ubertas terrae non indigenas modo detinet, sed etiam advenas invitat. [15] Bactrianorum exulum, qui ab Alexandro defecerant, receptaculum fuerat: sed, postquam regem adventare conpertum est, [16] pulsi ab incolis II milia fere et D congregantur. Omnes equites erant etiam in pace latrociniis adsueti: tum ferocia ingenia non bellum modo, sed etiam veniae desperatio efferaverat. Itaque ex inproviso adorti Amyntan, praetorem Alexandri, diu anceps proelium fecerant: [p. 260] [17] ad ultimum DCC suorum amissis, quorum CCC hostis cepit, dedere terga victoribus haud sane inulti: quippe LXXX Macedonum interfecerunt, praeterque eos CCC et L saucii facti sunt. [18] Veniam tamen etiam post alteram defectionem inpetraverunt. [19] His in fidem acceptis in regionem, quam Nautaca appellant, rex cum toto exercitu venit. Satrapes erat Sisimithres duobus ex sua matre filiis genitis: quippe apud eos parentibus stupro coire cum liberis fas est. [20] Is armatis popularibus fauces regionis, qua in artissimumcogitur, valido munimento saepserat. Praeterfluebat torrens amnis, terga petra claudebat: hanc manu perviam incolae fecerant, [21] sed aditu specus accipit lucem, interiora nisi inlato lumine obscura sunt. [22] Perpetuus cuniculus iter praebet in campos ignotum nisi indigenis. At Alexander, quamquam angustias naturali situ munitas ac valida manu barbari tuebantur, tamen arietibus admotis munimenta, quae manu adiuncta erant, concussit fundisque et sagittis propugnantium plerosque deiecit. Quos ubi dispersos fugavit, ruinas munimentorum supergressus ad petram admovit exercitum. [23] Ceterum interveniebat fluvius coeuntibus aquis ex superiore fastigio in vallem, magnique operis videbatur tam vastam voraginem explere: [24] caedi tamen arbores et saxa congeri iussit. Ingensque barbaros pavor rudes ad talia opera concusserat excitatam molem subito cementes. [25] Itaque rex ad deditionem [p. 261] metu posse conpelli ratus Oxarten misit nationis eiusdem, sed dicionis suae, qui suaderet duci, ut traderet petram. [26] Interim ad augendam formidinem et turres admovebantur et excussa tormentis tela micabant. Itaque verticem petrae omni alio praesidio damnato petiverunt. [27] At Oxartes trepidum diffidentemque rebus suis Sisimithren coepit hortari, ut fidem quam vim Macedonum mallet experiri neu moraretur festinationem victoris exercitus in Indiam tendentis: cui quisquis semet offerret, in suum caput alienam cladem esse versurum. [28] Et ipse quidem Sisimithres deditionem non abnuebat, ceterum mater eademque coniunx morituram se ante denuntians, quam in ullius veniret potestatem, barbari animum ad honestiora quam tutiora converterat, pudebatque libertatis maius esse apud feminas quam apud viros pretium. [29] Itaque dimisso. internuntio pacis obsidionem ferre decreverat. Sed cum hostis vires suasque pensaret, rursus muliebris consilii, quod praeceps magis quam necessarium esse credebat, paenitere eum coepit. [30] Revocatoque strenue Oxarte futurum se in regis potestate respondit, unum id precatus, ne voluntatem et consilium matris suae proderet, quo facilius venia illi quoque inpetraretur. [31] Praemissum igitur Oxarten cum matre liberisque et totius cognationis grege sequebatur ne expectato quidem fidei pignore, quod Oxartes promiserat. [32] Rex equite prae- [p. 262] misso, qui reverti eos iuberet opperirique praesentiam ipsius, supervenit et victimis Minervae ac Victoriae caesis imperium Sisimithri restituit spe maioris etiam provinciae facta, si cum fide amicitiam ipsius coluisset. [33] Duos illi iuvenes patre tradente secum militaturos sequi iussit. [34] Relicta deinde phalange ad subigendos, qui defecerant, cum equite processit. Arduum et inpeditum saxis iter primo utcumque tolerabant, mox equorum non ungulis modo attritis, sed corporibus etiam fatigatis sequi plerique non poterant, et rarius subinde agmen fiebat pudorem, ut fere fit, i
nmodico labore vincente. [35] Rex tamen subinde equos mutans sine intermissione fugientes insequebatur. Nobiles iuvenes comitari eum soliti defecerant praeter Philippum: Lysimachi erat frater tum primum adultus et, quod facile adpareret, indolis rarae. [36] Is pedes, incredibile dictu, per D stadia vectum regem comitatus est saepe equum suum offerente Lysimacho, nec tamen, ut digrederetur a rege, [37] effici potuit, cum lorica indutus arma gestaret. Idem, cum perventum esset in saltum, in quo se barbari abdiderant, nobilem edidit pugnam regemque comminus cum hoste dimicantem protexit. [38] Sed postquam barbari in fugam effusi deseruere silvas, animus, qui in ardore pugnae corpus sustentaverat, liquit, subitoque ex omnibus membris profuso sudore arboris proximae stipiti se adplicuit. [39] Deinde ne illo quidem adminiculo sustinente manibus regis exceptus est: inter quas conlapsus extinguitur. Maestum regem alius haud levis [p. 263] dolor excepit. [40] Erigyius inter claros duces fuerat: quem extinctum esse paulo ante, quam reverteretur in castra, cognovit. Utriusque funus omni apparatu atque honore celebratum est.

  II. Nature has dealt ill with men’s minds, in that we generally weigh acts, not beforehand, but after they are done. For the king, after anger had left his mind and even his intoxication had been dispelled, clearly perceived, but too late, the enormity [2] of his crime. He saw then that he had killed a man who had indeed immoderately abused freedom of speech, but who in any case was eminent in warfare, and if he was not ashamed to admit it, the saviour of his life. A king had usurped the detestable function of an executioner, and had punished licence in language, which might have been imputed to wine, [3] by an abominable murder. The whole vestibule swam with the blood of one who but now had been his guest, the sentinels stood aloof from him, amazed and as if stupefied, and solitude gave freer opportunity [4] for repentance. Therefore, tearing the lance from the body of the prostrate man, he turned it upon himself. And he had already brought it against his breast, when the sentinels flew to him, and in spite of his resistance wrested it from his hand, lifted him up, [6] and carried him into his tent. He had thrown himself on the ground, while all the whole royal quarters rang with his groans and piteous wailing. Then he tore his face with his nails, begging those who stood around him not to suffer him to survive such a disgrace.