Sèvres Protocol

by David Lee Corley

  Sharon gave the signal to move out. The convoy drove up the highway along the Israeli border. Their mission was to reach Major Eitan’s para battalion at the mouth of the Mitla pass within thirty-six hours. It was a very tight schedule.

  October 29, 1956 – Cairo, Egypt

  Nasser loved spending time with his family. It was the only time he could relax, and his aides had strict orders not to disturb him unless it was a life and death emergency. He was watching his son blow out the candles on his birthday cake when he received word from one of his aides that the Israelis had crossed the border into Egypt. He considered staying with his family until his boy had opened his presents. After all, there had been so many reports of Israeli incursions. Most were just simple raids to avenge an attack on one of their villages by the Fedayeen. But this report seemed different somehow and he decided to excuse himself, much to his family’s disappointment.

  He walked to his office inside the presidential palace and listened as his intelligence officers made their reports. Four different sightings of Israeli forces crossing the border and all of them reported to be brigade strength. There was also a sighting of paratroopers dropping in the valley near the Mitla Pass. He didn’t like it. “Tell General Amer I would like to speak with him as soon as possible,” said Nasser to one of his aides.

  Amer walked down the hall and entered Nasser’s office. Allah had saved Field Marshal Amer from the Israeli jet and he had offered prayers of thanks on his flight back to Egypt later that day. He was emotionally drained after receiving word that his entire staff was missing and presumed dead. Nasser was demanding reports on the Israeli troop movements every hour.

  Amer told Nasser he believed Jordan was the Israelis’ intended target. The troops that were called up were transported to the Jordanian border and a good share of their armor and artillery had been transported to Eilat. The Israelis had often complained about their lack of access to the Gulf of Aqaba. Amer guessed that they were going to attack the Jordanian port just across their northern border. By seizing the Jordanian port, Nasser would be forced to allow cargo ships to freely navigate the bay. If not, the Jordanians would be cut off and their economy crippled. While Nasser had no great love for Jordan and its king, he had promised to be the leader of all the Arab people, and that included the Jordanians. “We should be prepared to help the Jordanians and take back the port of Aqaba,” said Amer to Nasser. “Their king will owe us, and the Jordanian people will see you as their savior.”

  “Yes. Yes. But what about the reports of Israeli paratroopers dropping into the Sinai?” said Nasser

  “Raiding parties. Nothing we have not seen before. The local police units are well armed and will handle them.”

  “I see. And the Israeli troop movement away from the Jordanian border?” said Nasser.

  “A ruse. The Israelis playing games, trying to confuse the Jordanians. Their moves are so transparent.”

  “And your intelligence staff agrees with you?”

  “Unfortunately, most of my staff was lost in the attack over the Mediterranean. God rest their souls.”

  “I am sorry for your loss. They were great patriots and will be missed.”

  “But if they were still here, I believe they would agree with me.”

  “I see.”

  “As a precaution, I suggest we send our destroyer Ibrahim el Awal to Haifa. If the Israelis try anything we can bombard the port and destroy their coastal oil installations.”

  “Yes. Very good. Keep me updated.”

  “Yes, your excellency.”

  Nasser left Amer’s office and walked back to his own. Nasser trusted Amer. They had known each other for many years and Amer had always been loyal. That is why Nasser gave him the position of head of the Egyptian Armed Forces even though Amer had little practical combat experience. Nasser needed the military’s support to stay in power.

  Most of the Egyptian military officers were appointed through family or political connections. Promotions were based on perceived loyalty, not on merit. The officers did not associate with the non-commissioned soldiers who they saw as beneath them. This general attitude created morale problems. While the Egyptian soldiers felt a duty to fight for their country, they did not believe their officers had their best interests at heart and were often reluctant to obey orders that would put them in harm’s way. It was a military culture where obedience was based on threats and fear rather than pride and honor.

  The Egyptian forces were substantial and had been built up since Nasser became Egypt’s leader. The air force was particularly impressive with its new Soviet-built MiG-15 jet fighters and I1-28 jet bombers. The arms deal had replaced an abundance of the military’s obsolete equipment.

  The Egyptian army under General Amer’s command had a mobilized strength of one hundred thousand soldiers. It was grouped into two main bodies. The first had the mission to protect the Sinai and the Gaza Strip from Israeli invasion. The second was tasked with protecting the canal zone from possible Western actions.

  The Sinai forces included the 3rd Infantry Division, the Palestinian Division and the 2nd Motorized Border Battalion. The canal zone was guarded by the 2nd Infantry Division and the 1st Armored Brigade. In all there were eighteen brigades that the Egyptians could deploy against any invading force. The infantry soldiers were equipped with Soviet-built 7.62-mm carbines.

  Each infantry brigade was supported by an artillery battery of Soviet 122-mm or British 25-pounder guns. They also had an anti-tank company using 17-pounder or 57-mm guns. There were also four heavy mortar regiments each with three batteries of 120-mm mortars.

  The three armored brigades had a variety of trucks, armored personnel carriers and Soviet-built BTR-152 scout cars. They were also equipped with Soviet T-34s and JS-3s tanks and British Centurion MK-3s tanks. A few units even hand American-made Sherman tanks. This mixing of British, Soviet and American vehicles made maintenance of the armored brigades a logistical nightmare. Spare parts had to be carried for all types of vehicles and were not interchangeable. Even fueling was a problem. The Soviet-built vehicles used diesel while the British and American-built vehicles used petrol. This meant that each refueling unit had to carry large quantities of both types of fuel.

  The anti-aircraft brigades were probably the best trained of all the Egyptian units. They had high morale and were diligent with their training efforts. They were equipped with Czech-built long barrel 20-mm cannons, 30-mm Hispano and 40-mm Bofors light anti-aircraft guns. The anti-aircraft units were deployed at strategic points on every airfield, along the Canal Zone, and at Port Said.

  Technically, the Egyptian army could match any military force in the Middle East or North Africa except for Algeria, which was French. However, leadership, training and esprit de corps were questionable.

  The regular army was backed up by National Guard units manned by one hundred thousand volunteers and a strong police force. Their training was poor compared to the military and their weapons, early models of British Lee Enfield .303 rifles, were antiquated. Even with the inferior weapons the National Guard and the police force were still useful while guarding strategic buildings and positions. Most of the volunteers were brave and would hold their ground during a fight. Their role was defensive rather than offensive.

  The Egyptian Navy had four destroyers, seven escort vessels, two corvettes and eight wooden mine ships. The biggest threat came from the smallest vessels in the Egyptian Navy - fourteen motor torpedo boats. A well-placed torpedo could sink even the mightiest of warships. Even with the threat of torpedoes, the war planners in London, Paris and Jerusalem didn’t feel the Egyptian Navy was much of a threat and paid it little heed.

  They were more concerned about the Egyptian civilians that would need to be properly managed after Nasser surrendered. Without doubt there would be some Egyptians that would go on fighting as guerillas or terrorists. France already had its hands full fighting the Algerians and was not anxious to occupy another country with a large and unruly civil
ian population. It was conceivable that the fighting could go on well after the Egyptians surrendered.

  October 29, 1956 – Quntilla, Egypt

  Quntilla was in the northeastern desert of Sinai just a few kilometers past the Israeli-Egyptian border. It was more of an Egyptian outpost than a town. Its soul function seemed to be as a warning beacon to the rest of the Egyptian forces on the Sinai. It had also been a staging area for cross-border Fedayeen raids on the Israeli towns near the border. Sharon wanted his pound of flesh and decided the detour was worth it, even though he and his men had an incredibly tight schedule to meet.

  It was late in the afternoon when the 202nd arrived. Sharon sent two companies of paratroopers around the back of the town. The sun was behind the Israeli forces and would give them a distinct advantage if they could attack before nightfall.

  Only seven of the French-made AMX light tanks were available for the first incursion into Egypt. The other six tanks were still in transit. Sharon could not afford any more time and decided to use what was available. He sent his reconnaissance units to scout the town while his artillery and mortar teams set up and his paratroopers moved into position.

  The recon units reported back that there was only one company of Egyptian soldiers in the town. Hardly worth the effort, thought Sharon. Still, it will be good to blood the men with a quick victory.

  He gave the order to fire. A barrage of 75-mm shells from the tanks and artillery slammed into the town and the Egyptians ran for cover. Israeli 120-mm mortars followed up the artillery and tank barrage, tearing up the few buildings in the town and showering the Egyptians with rocks and chunks of hardened clay.

  Seventy thousand feet above, Powers was flying his U2 on yet another reconnaissance mission. This was his third mission in less than a week and he was sure to be grounded by the flight doctors after this one. It was unusual to see much activity on the ground below. The plane flew so high that everything looked like specks of dirt and sand unless it was very large, like a ship or a bridge. Powers was surprised when he saw small flashes of light followed by black puffs of smoke. He couldn’t tell who was firing on whom, but he was fairly sure people were dying, judging by the number of tiny explosions. So that is what war looks like, he thought.

  He pressed the record button on the camera remote several times and shot a series of high-resolution photographs of the activity below. Although few would be allowed to ever see the photographs, he was capturing the first images of the Sinai War. He was an observer of a critical moment in history and he could tell no one. Such was the life of a CIA reconnaissance pilot.

  On the desert below, Sharon saw an opportunity for a quick victory during the Egyptians’ initial confusion. He sent mounted paratroopers into the front of the outpost in the hopes of overrunning the Egyptian positions before they could organize their defenses. As the vehicles approached two of his halftracks and one of his jeeps exploded from a well-hidden minefield. The frontal attack was stalled as the Israelis moved to rescue the wounded soldiers from the demolished vehicles.

  The paratroopers in the rear of the town attacked and easily overran the Egyptian positions. The battle was over in less than fifteen minutes. The Israelis had first blood.

  There was no time to celebrate. Sharon ordered the seventy-two prisoners escorted back across the border into Israel where they could be interrogated. Only one of Sharon’s men had been killed and a few others had light wounds. The brigade remounted their vehicles and moved on into the hills as the sun disappeared into the west.

  October 29, 1956 – Washington D.C., USA

  Eisenhower was just sitting down to breakfast on the patio of the White House. Allen Dulles approached with the reconnaissance photos shot by Powers in a folder tucked under his arm and said, “They’ve done it. The Israelis have crossed the border in strength. Four brigades at least. There is also word of paratroopers near the Suez Canal. Eisenhower set down his grapefruit knife. He had lost his appetite. He hated war. After World War II, he had had his fill and prayed never to see another. He stared out at the falling leaves on the trees that surround the White House grounds. “I always loved the fall colors,” he said. “Why do the Israelis have to fuck up a nice autumn morning?”

  “What are we going to do?” said Allen Dulles. “I mean, it’s the Israelis. If we try to stop them, you’ll lose the Jewish vote.”

  “If you think I give two shits about the election right now, you don’t know me, Allen.”

  “I’m sorry, Mr. President. You’re right. What do you want me to do?”

  “Easy. Come up with a miracle.” said Eisenhower.

  “Yes, sir. I’ll work on it.”

  “In the meantime, find your brother and tell him we need to draft a letter to the U.N.”

  “Yes, sir. Right away,” said Allen Dulles moving off and leaving Eisenhower with his thoughts. Very dark thoughts. He knew what war meant more than most and he feared for the mothers and fathers of the sons that would fight.

  FIVE

  October 29, 1956 - Kafr Qasim, Israel

  At 4:30 pm, a troop transport carried a platoon of border police into the Israeli village of Kafr Qasim on the Jordanian border. The village was mostly populated by Arab Muslims sympathetic to the Egyptian cause. The Israeli leaders were concerned that if Jordan entered the war, the Arabs in the border towns would riot and commit acts of terrorism. It was decided to declare and enforce a 5pm to 6am curfew in all Arab border towns, starting on the night of the Israeli invasion.

  Lieutenant Gabriel Dahan, the unit commander, stepped from his jeep and was approached by a sergeant already in the town. “I told the mayor about the curfew. He is concerned that we didn’t give the people enough warning.”

  “Of course, he is,” said Dahan. “They needed time to plan their resistance and we didn’t give it to him.”

  “He says there are about four hundred villagers working the nearby farms and they don’t usually come back into town until after sundown.”

  “That is unfortunate for them.”

  “Surely you do not want us to shoot civilians?”

  “That is what happens when people don’t respect authority.”

  “But those farm workers don’t— “

  “Enough, Sergeant. We are on the verge of war with these people. This is no time for sentiment.” said Dahan interrupting. “You have your orders.”

  “Yes, sir,” said the sergeant snapping to attention and saluting before moving off.

  Roadblocks were established on the main roads leading in and out of the village. At six o’clock in the evening, a flatbed truck with wooden siderails pulled to a stop at one of the roadblocks. The twenty-eight farm workers riding in the back of the truck took out their identification papers and offered them to the soldiers. To their surprise, the soldiers were not interested in their papers and waved them off. The sergeant in charge of the roadblock said, “Cut them down.”

  The soldiers obeyed and opened fire with their Uzi machineguns. The defenseless passengers were trapped in the back of the truck. Many were children between the ages of eight and seventeen. The Muslims fell like cut timber in a forest, one on top of another, until there was nobody standing in the back of the truck.

  Clashes with angry family members and friends of the fallen continued throughout the night. By morning, forty-nine civilians had been killed and thirteen severely wounded. No Israeli police were killed during the operation.

  When Ben-Gurion heard the news of the Kafr Qasim Massacre he was furious and ordered a full investigation. He also ordered a two-month news blackout on the matter so as not to enflame the Muslims living in Israel any further.

  October 29, 1956 – London, England

  It was early evening. U.S. Ambassador to Britain, Winthrop Aldrich, had opera tickets. He loved the opera, especially at Covent Garden – the Royal Opera House. It was a magnificent venue. He loved dressing up in a tuxedo for the event. He knew it was pageantry but he didn’t care. He looked good in his tux. He was al
ready standing by the front door when he heard the doorbell ring. He took a quick glance at his watch as he went to open the door.

  He was perturbed when a messenger from the Foreign Office appeared on his doorstep and informed him that the British Foreign Secretary would like to see him as soon as possible. He knew that last minute calls by the Foreign Secretary went with the job, but why did they always need to happen when he had such good seats. Resigned, he grabbed his formal coat and top hat and headed out.

  Aldrich was escorted into the Foreign Secretary’s office where Lloyd was waiting. “Thank you for coming,” said Lloyd.

  “Of course, Mister Secretary,” said Aldrich.

  “I hope you weren’t heading out somewhere special for the evening,” said Lloyd referring to Aldrich’s formal wear.

  “No. No. Just another embassy party. How may I assist you?” said Aldrich hoping to move things along and catch the second act.

  “I understand Lodge will be speaking at the U.N. tomorrow and that he plans to label Israel the aggressor in their spat with the Egyptians.”

  “Spat? They invaded with four brigades.”

  “Nonetheless, if they are labeled an aggressor it could activate the Tripartite Declaration of 1950 and we could be forced to defend Egypt against the Israelis.”

  “And what is wrong with that? The Israelis should cease and desist immediately.”

  “Yes, but we do not want to encourage Nasser. He brought this upon himself by refusing to recognize the Israelis and colluding with the other Arab nations to attack Israel.”

  “The Egyptians have been doing that for years. They are hollow threats.”