The Reluctant Taoiseach

by David McCullagh

  For once, he was brief. He expressed his appreciation of the honour that had been conferred on him, but pointed out that the position “was not sought by me nor wished for by me in any way”, and that he had not been part of any political manoeuvre. “I will have to shoulder serious responsibilities for which I am in no way fitted. At the same time I am quite confident, from my contacts and knowledge of the men who are joining in this Government, that everybody will work for one purpose and one purpose alone, namely, the good of all sections of the people.” He also urged the “men of patriotism, honesty and courage” on the opposite benches to offer the new Government help and support.36

  Two new members of the Dáil—Noël Browne and Tom O’Higgins junior—later wrote separately of the simplicity of the change of power. After the vote, the Dáil was adjourned to allow the new Taoiseach go to Áras an Uachtaráin to accept his seal of office from the President. The Ceann Comhairle announced that when they returned, Fianna Fáil and Opposition TDS would swap sides in the Chamber. “Thus was marked in the Dáil the fact that all the powers of government had passed from one side of the House to the other.”37

  Immediately after the vote, Costello was met at the exit from the Dáil Chamber by Maurice Moynihan, Secretary to the Government, and J.J. McElligott, Secretary of the Department of Finance, who knew him.38 The two officials accompanied Costello, “feeling very forlorn”, to the Taoiseach’s room at the back of the chamber, where he met de Valera. They had “a few frosty words” before the outgoing Taoiseach left. Costello told Declan that McElligott “was delighted at the change though officially he was correct. He gave me in a few minutes a lurid picture of what was facing me and I then proceeded to go out to the car for the journey to the Park.”39 He was accompanied in the car by Moynihan, by Alexis FitzGerald, and by Captain Mick Byrne, a prominent constituency worker who later became his aide-de-camp.40

  Then it was back to Leinster House for the debate on the nomination of the members of the new Government. Costello, of course, had had little or nothing to do with their selection, or the distribution of portfolios. The team was generally well regarded—the US Minister, for instance, suggested that the Cabinet was “an impressive group—more able, I should say, than its predecessor”. However, he added that it was “chosen from six [sic] political parties whose ideas and policies are contradictory”.41

  The Tánaiste and Minister for Social Welfare was Labour leader Bill Norton, on whom Costello was to rely greatly, recalling often in later years how his advice had been sought whenever a difficulty arose.42 Patrick Lynch noted the two men’s mutual sympathy and understanding, describing the Labour leader as “very able, very practical, very hard-headed”. He was also “utterly devoid of sympathy” for Noël Browne and for progressive politics in general. Lynch believed Norton was “essentially a conservative”43—an assessment with which Browne would have entirely agreed. The Tánaiste played a key role in keeping the coalition together, thanks to his experience as a negotiator and feel for issues likely to cause the Government trouble—he “exhibited a high degree of the skill that consists in making the rough ways of government smooth”. While he had no sympathy with the old guard in Fine Gael, “he was shrewd enough to see that his mistrust was shared by that party’s newer elements”.44

  Fine Gael leader Dick Mulcahy had initially been pencilled in for Finance and then External Affairs,45 but ended up in Education—a “backroom” role in which he was happier than he would have been in a more prominent Department, or as Taoiseach.46 Although MacEoin claimed National Labour had insisted on Patrick McGilligan in Finance, Patrick Lynch believed it was MacBride who demanded he got this key role—a decision that disappointed McGilligan, who wanted to be Attorney General as there was too much work involved in Finance.47 Labour too were keen on McGilligan, having “half an idea that he was nearer to them than to his own party”.48 In any event, McGilligan was a key figure in Cabinet, both because of his portfolio and because of his character—which even Noël Browne was prepared to compliment, calling him “easily the brightest intellectual in the coalition Cabinet”.49

  MacBride took External Affairs, and began his Cabinet career in a highly influential position. He had, after all, played a key role in the formation of the Government and in the choice of its Taoiseach. He contributed on a wide range of issues, most of them outside his own departmental brief, and was taken seriously by his colleagues—initially, at any rate. Mulcahy later recalled how he and Dr Tom O’Higgins reacted to MacBride after the first Cabinet meeting—“Another de Valera”.50 Coming from these two, this was not in any sense a compliment. But it did indicate a certain stature, a stature that MacBride was to lose over the lifetime of the Government.

  MacBride nominated his inexperienced party colleague Noël Browne to the Department of Health (of course, any Clann nominee would have lacked experience of parliamentary politics, as did MacBride himself). As well as believing that a doctor would be best placed to take on the “job of work” in Health (particularly, although MacBride didn’t mention it, one so prominently associated with the fight against TB), he also thought the appointment of a young man not associated with the Republican movement would widen the Clann’s appeal and remove the criticism that it was “only a group of old IRA men, parading under a new façade”. MacBride later claimed that he faced a lot of criticism on the party executive over this decision. “I had to throw my weight heavily onto the scales to get them to agree. It was a reluctant agreement on the part of the majority of the Standing Committee …”51

  While MacBride suggested it was the nomination of Browne that caused the opposition, it seems more likely to have been prompted by distaste at the idea of entering government at all, a move which was only narrowly adopted after a marathon meeting of the National Executive, by 18 votes to 16.52 Concerns about Browne were also raised by Fine Gael’s Seán MacEoin, who asked MacBride if he was wise taking on the “young fellow” Browne. “You don’t know very much about him. You’d be much better off with somebody like Con Lehane, an experienced republican and politician.”53 MacBride would have cause to regret his decision, as would the Clann and the Government.

  Clann na Talmhan leader Joe Blowick became Minister for Lands, a position in which he did little damage and little else. National Labour’s Jim Everett took Posts and Telegraphs, while T.J. Murphy of Labour was in Local Government (after his death in April 1949, he was succeeded by Michael Keyes). The other Fine Gael ministers were MacEoin in Justice, O’Higgins in Defence, and Morrissey in Industry and Commerce. James Dillon became the first Independent to be appointed to an Irish Cabinet, achieving his long-time ambition of becoming Minister for Agriculture.

  Liam Cosgrave had a key role as Government Chief Whip—speaking of the difficulties of that job, he quoted Wellington’s reported remark about his own troops: “I don’t know about the enemy, but they certainly frighten me.”54 At Costello’s retirement dinner, he spoke of the contradictory aims of some of the Government’s supporters—one believed the Taoiseach was a Republican, others that he would preserve the “tenuous link with the Crown”; one wanted an increase in the price of milk, another would withdraw his support if the cost of butter went up; and yet another would bring down the Government unless a ban on taking sand from the foreshore in his constituency was lifted. As Cosgrave wryly commented, “For all I know they’re still drawing sand from the foreshore!” Much as they differed, though, all were “united in their dedication to John Costello as a man of the very highest integrity”.55

  This dedication to the Taoiseach was particularly evident among members of the Cabinet. Everett told his Departmental Secretary “more than once, with obvious approval, that the Taoiseach was a saint”.56 Cosgrave recalled Costello in Cabinet as being patient, adding that he was “highly respected by Labour and Blowick and of course Fine Gael members”.57 Even Noël Browne said Costello “was a most fair-minded chairman of the Cabinet, most honourable in every way, he gave us plenty of time to debate everyt
hing, and gave everybody the same opportunity to discuss”. Browne characteristically qualified this praise by adding, “but that is not important”. He believed that “on basic fundamentals and important social and economic and financial issues the dominant policies that come out of a multi-party situation are those of the biggest party in that … government”.58

  As the Irish Press sourly noted, there were 13 in the Cabinet, compared to 11 in the outgoing government. “In a team of 11, sufficient places could not have been found to reward all those who had a claim to office as a result of their contribution towards coalition making.” The paper also noted that all the key posts had gone to Fine Gael, which wasn’t strictly accurate but was close enough to the truth.59

  The change in status for the Costello family was immediately evident, as an unarmed Garda patrol was placed on 20 Herbert Park.60 Costello’s absence from a meeting of the Irish Council of the Society of St Vincent de Paul was noted by the Chairman, Brother E.J. Duffy. Another attendee later told Costello, “Your deputy explained your absence was due to the fact that you were busy forming a new Government for the country … Even with the rank of Taoiseach you were just a member to Ned and no matter what pleas your deputy put up he was shot down and eventually told ‘it was no excuse’.”61 As for the new Taoiseach, once the initial shock wore off he took to his new duties with the same determination and focus he had shown for the law. He assured Declan in Switzerland that he was “perfectly and supremely happy and contented, and face the future and what it holds with resignation, and with confidence and hope”.62

  On the Tuesday after his election, Costello broadcast to the nation, claiming that in the formation of the Inter-party Government “the Irish genius for democracy has asserted and proved itself”. He said the participating groups would maintain their separate policies and individuality, but that agreement had been reached “over a wide field of action”. If the new Government was a novelty, he said, it was “a refreshing and timely” one, which brought together “men of different groups who have been colleagues and friends for many years and who have learned to know and respect one another without necessarily seeing eye to eye on every detail of every subject”. Warning against frequent elections as neither desirable nor necessary, he said the Dáil would become “a deliberative assembly rather than a machine for registering the will of a majority party”.63

  He cited national freedom and unity as “chief of these fundamental objectives upon which there is complete agreement”—but then went on to say that “economic considerations must take priority over all political and constitutional matters”. The Government’s aims were to increase national income to pay for adequate health and social services, reduce the cost of living, increase exports, establish a Council of Education to remove educational matters (including the revival of Irish) from party politics, and action against the “twin evils” of TB and emigration. He recognised the right to a fair return for those who put capital into Irish industry, saying that “no decent Irish industrialist has anything to fear from this Government. Obviously, however, unreasonable profits acquired at the expense of the consumer will be scooped for the common good.”

  Costello also outlined a lofty ambition for Ireland to act “as the interpreter of Europe to the New World and as the interpreter of the New World to Europe, intending thereby to further peace among men, to strengthen that culture of which we all are a part and to extend the dominion of the Christian religion”. In his peroration, the new Taoiseach recognised that difficulties lay ahead. “The members of the Government, for whom I speak tonight, are more than willing to do their share. With the willing help of our people and under the providence of God we have no doubt that we will fully succeed.”64 According to the Irish Independent, he was applauded by a crowd in Henry Street as he left the radio studio after eleven o’clock that evening.65

  Press reaction to Costello’s election was predictably mixed. In an editorial, the Irish Independent said the majority of citizens would welcome the formation of the government, noting that it was led by a Taoiseach “who not only stands in the highest rank in his own profession, but whose profound knowledge and experience of public affairs admirably fit him for his office”.66 The Independent’s headline was “Mr Costello is Taoiseach”. Clearly, this would not do for the Irish Press, which hilariously opted instead for “Mr de Valera is no longer Taoiseach”. In an editorial, the Press thundered that the new ministers had been chosen not for their ability, “but simply and solely because their party had to get its reward in representation for its help in making the Coalition Government possible. The fantastic nature of some of the appointments indicates how fierce the bargaining must have been and how desperate must have been the efforts to reach an agreement.” The paper’s political correspondent sniffed that the atmosphere was that of a “commercial deal”.67 This dismissive attitude on the part of Fianna Fáil extended to the new Taoiseach. Years later, Todd Andrews described Costello as “a lawyer of no political distinction … a survivor from the Irish Parliamentary Party. He was regarded by Clann na Poblachta as innocuous and malleable. In fact, in government he did not know whether he was coming or going.”68

  Others were naturally more enthusiastic, and the new Taoiseach received a huge number of congratulatory letters and telegrams. Former Finance Minister Ernest Blythe sympathised that he had been “elevated to something more like a bed of thorns than a bed of roses”, but said that didn’t take away from the honour.69 Fellow barrister Kevin Liston congratulated him on his own appointment, and on that of Cecil Lavery as Attorney General. “You will both be sadly missed from the library—but I need scarcely add that the lowering of the standard will make it a bit easier for the rest of us who are lower down in the class!”70 But perhaps the most welcome letter for Costello personally came from a medical consultant, who advised him to look after his health—“more than ever, I think your relaxation at golf will be helpful”.71

  For many supporters of the Opposition parties, news of Costello’s election seemed almost miraculous after 16 years of de Valera. In his memoirs, barrister and future minister Patrick Lindsay described his desperate hunt for news while out of touch on circuit on the day the Dáil met. He finally found a guard in Tuam who informed him with evident emotion of Costello’s election. The two agreed on a celebratory drink, but when Lindsay suggested he should park his car properly the garda responded, “Leave it where it is. We have freedom for the first time in sixteen years.”72

  The new Taoiseach, responding to a letter of congratulations from diplomat Michael MacWhite, wrote on 10 March that “the honour was thrust upon my unwilling self but now that I have accustomed myself to the radical change … I am extremely happy. I believe we are going to do a great deal of good. The volume of support is increasing daily and I hear from all parts of the country of a widespread feeling of relief brought about by the change.”73

  It would be imagined that the British would have been happy to see the back of de Valera. But in fact the British representative in Dublin, Lord Rugby (formerly Sir John Maffey), wrote what appears to have been a sincere note of commiseration to the outgoing Taoiseach. He told de Valera “how deeply I felt today’s swift closing of the chapter”. Rugby thanked him for his accessibility, patience and frankness over the previous eight years, and wrote of his “deep and warm … regard … for you as a man and a fellow-traveller through anxious times”. The new leader of the Opposition responded philosophically that he naturally regretted “being no longer able to do things or to get things done” but that “not having the power I have not the responsibility”.74

  American diplomats were somewhat more enthusiastic about the change. Vinton Chapin, in charge of the legation during the absence of US Minister George Garrett, informed Washington before Costello’s election that he was a prominent member of the Irish Bar who was a “strong supporter British Commonwealth. He is friendly disposed to the U.S. and … little change international policy expected.” A month later, Garrett himself
described Costello as “Dublin’s outstanding lawyer”, adding that he was “generally considered the best selection that could have been made”. And in July, the Legation’s Second Secretary said Costello’s emergence as a national figure had given Fine Gael “a tremendous shot in the arm … He is a marvellous individual personality and enjoys the respect of everyone. It is significant too, I think, that he does not have any great record, particularly during the Civil War. Thus, the Fianna Fáil Opposition finds it difficult to work up popular feeling against him.”75

  James Dillon had a high regard for Costello. But, alone among ministers, he was critical of the Taoiseach’s chairing of Cabinet. Costello’s lengthy anecdotes held things up, “to the extent that one would sometimes despair of doing any business. But he was so good a man, and everyone was so personally devoted to him, that when the chips were down no one would bring him to order.” As Dillon’s biographer, Maurice Manning, noted, this may have missed the point—Costello was quite capable of using delay as a way of avoiding contention at Cabinet.76

  Patrick Lynch described the lengthy and indecisive Cabinet meetings as “one of the weaknesses” of the Inter-party Government. Many meetings ended without any decisions being taken—but he blamed this on McGilligan rather than Costello, believing that the Minister for Finance deliberately missed meetings where MacBride wanted to criticise his Department. This led to issues (like preparations for devaluation, for instance) staying on the Cabinet agenda for months with no decision taken.77 This view was supported by Dr T.K. Whitaker, then a senior official in Finance, who recalled that his minister was something of a “Scarlet Pimpernel”, seldom seen in the Department, as he didn’t want to get embroiled in unseemly day-to-day rows, particularly with MacBride.78 In October 1949, MacBride complained to Lynch that McGilligan had been “too ill” to attend a Government meeting, but two days later was able to go to Longchamps, outside Paris, for the Arc de Triomphe race.79